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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries - of the English Nation, v. 1, Northern Europe
by Richard Hakluyt
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And thus it stoode with the Ports for their generall charge, in the sixt yeere of his reigne, for then was this Chartre sealed. But as touching the particular burthen of ech one, I haue seene two diuers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a Record) and is intituled, to haue bene renued in the two and twentie yeere of the Reigne of the same king, by Stephan Penchester, then Constable of Douer Castle, in which the particular charge is set downe in this maner.

The Port of Hastings ought to finde three ships. The lowie of Peuensey one. Buluerhithe and Petit Iahn, one. Bekesborne in Kent, seuen. Grenche at Gillingham in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings. The towne of Rie, fiue. To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henrie the sixt. The towne of Winchelsey, tenne. The Port of Rumney, foure. Lydde, seuen. The Port of Hythe, fiue. The Port of Douer, nineteene. The towne of Folkestone, seuen. The towne of Feuersham, seuen. The Port of Sandwich, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale, &c. fiue.

These ships they ought to finde vpon fortie dayes summons, armed and arrayed at their owne charge, and in ech of them twentie men, besides the Master of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise mainteine fiue dayes together at their owne costs, giuing to the Maister sixe pence by the day, to the Constable sixe pence, and to ech other Mariner three pence. And after those fiue dayes ended, the King shall defray the charges.

The other is a Latine Custumall of the towne of Hyde, the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as much or more likelihood and credit: It standeth thus.

These be the Fiue Ports of our soueraigne Lord the King hauing liberties, which other Ports haue not: Hasting, Romenal, Heth, Douer, Sandwich, the chiefe Townes. The seruices due by the same.

Hasting shall finde 21. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it perteine (as the members of one towne) the Seashore in Seford, Peuenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rie, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerheth.

Romenal 5. ships, in euery ship 21. men, and a Garcion: To it perteine, as members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, olde Rumney.

Hethe 5. ships, as Romenal before. To it perteineth the Westhethe.

Douer 21, ships, as Hasting before. To it pertaine, Folkstane, Feuersham, and S. Margarets, not concerning the land, but for the goods and cartels.

Sandwich 5. ships, as Romenal and hethe. To it perteine Fordwich, Reculuer, Serre, and Dele, not for the soile, but for the goods.

Summe of ships 57.

Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions.

This seruice, the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the King, vpon summons yerely (if it happen) by the space of 15. dayes together, at their owne costs and changes, accounting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth: and to serue so long after 15. dayes, as the King will, at his owne pay and wages.

Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby your selfe may easily discerne the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason of some latter dispensation) neither of these, haue place at this day, I must referre it to them that be priuie, and of counsell with the Ports: and so leauing this also vndecided, holde on the way, wherein I am entred.

This duetie of attendance therefore (being deuised for the honourable transportation, and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas) the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that time performed, but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from time to time, in sundrie exploits by water, as occasion hath bene proferred, or the necessitie of the Realme required.

[Sidenote: The good seruice of the fiue ports. 1217] And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance, after such time as Lewes (the eldest sonne of the French King) had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Archbishop, and the Nobilitie, in the life of King Iohn, and had sent into France for new supply of Souldiers after his death, Hubert of Borough (then captaine of Douer) following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the wooden walles, by the aide of the Port townes, armed fortie tall ships, and meeting with eightie saile of Frenchmen vpon the high seas, gaue them a most couragious encounter, in which he tooke some, sunke others, and discomfited the rest.

King Henrie the third also, after that he came to riper age, had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports: [Sidenote: 1278.] And king Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continuall faithfull seruice (and especially their good endeuour, then lately shewed against the Welshmen) the principall cause, and motiue of that his liberall grant.

[Sidenote: 1293.] Furthermore, about the midst of the reigne of the same king, an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men, all which (notwithstanding the great oddes of the number) they tooke, and slew, and sunke so many of the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in maner destitute, both of Seamen, and shipping.

[Sidenote: 1406.] Finally, and to conclude this part, in the dayes of king Henrie the the fourth, the name of the Fiue Ports, vnder the conduct of one Henrie Paye, surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships, all laden with Salt, Iron, Oile, and no worse merchandize.

[Sidenote: Priuiledges of the fiue ports.] The priuiledges of these Ports being first granted by Edward the Confessour, and William the Conquerour, and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henrie the second, Richard the first, Henrie the third, and king Edward the first be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedome and exemption, that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same.

Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes, in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea, wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor, William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry the second, king Richard the first, king Iohn, and Henry the third continued vnto them.

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, & duke of Gastcoigne, to all Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iustices, Shirifs, Prouosts, Officers, & to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting. You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England, & vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done, and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England, truly to be continued in time to come, we haue granted & by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires, to the same our Barons and to their heires, all their liberties and freedomes. So that they shall be free from all toll, and from all custome; that is to say from all lastage, tallage, passage, cariage, riuage, asponsage, and from all wrecke, and from all their sale, carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion, with socke and souke, toll and theme. And that they shall haue Infangthefe, and that they shall be wreckefree, lastagefree, and louecopfree. [Sidenote: The fishing at great Yarmouth.] And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth, according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued. And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds: so that if any person will plead against them, they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord, king Henrie our great grandfather. And that they shall haue their findelles in the sea and in the land. And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen. And that they haue their honours in our court, and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come. And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands, which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father [Sidenote: Henry the third.] they possessed: that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign, from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings, iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are. So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid, except any of the same Barons doe implead any man, or if any man be impleaded. And that they shall not pleade in any other place, except where they ought, and where they were wont, that is to say, at Shepeway. And they that haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth, as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better, more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England, Edward [Sidenote: Edward the confessor.], William the first, William the second, Henrie the king our great grandfather, and in the times of king Richard, and king Iohn our grandfathers, and lord king Henrie our father, by their Charters, as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue, and which we haue seene, doe reasonably testifie. And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds. So neuerthelesse, that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice, our Warden, and the wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes, which for the time shall be, their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. [Sidenote: 57. Ships of the Cinque Ports bound to serue the king 15. dayes at their owne costs.] So also that the sayd Barons and their heires, do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce, or at the somounce of our heires. We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfangthefe in their lands within the Ports aforesayd, in the same maner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons, haue in their manours in the countie of Kent. And they be not put in any Assises, Iuries, or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will: and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise, [Footnote: Prisage—one cask in ten, on wine, was the first customs-duty levied in England.] that is to say, of one tunne before the mast, and of another behind the maste. We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires, that they for euer haue this liberty, that is to say, That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes, which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde, for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd: and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and marriages in time past. But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde, and our grants following to them of our especiall grace, of newe haue caused to be made, sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie: And sauing vnto vs and to our heires, plea of our crowne, life and member. Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes, as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie. And that of our especial grace they haue outfangthefe in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the manner that Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent. And that they be not put in Assizes, Iuries, or recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will. And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome, that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste, and of another tunne behinde the maste. And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde: that is to say: That wee and our heires haue not the worships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd, for the which their seruice aforesaid, and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past, But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made. Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity. And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd. These being witnesses, the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome, frier William of Southhampton Prior prouincial of the friers preachers in England, William of Valencia our vncle, Roger of the dead sea, Roger of Clifford, Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum, Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding, Master Robert of Seyton, Bartholomew of Southley, Thomas of Wayland, Walter of Hoptan, Thomas of Normannel, Steuen of Pennester, Frances of Bonaua, Iohn of Lenetotes, Iohn of Metingham and others. Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune, in the sixth yeare of our reigne.

[Sidenote: Thomas Walsingham writeth that he had once 1100. strong shippes.] The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice, extant in the kings wardrobe in London, whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those days may appeare.

The South fleete.

The Kings /Shippes 25. Lyme /Ships 4. Mariners 419. Mariners 62. London /Shippes 25. Seton /Ships 2. Mariners 662. Mariners 25. Aileford /Shippes 2. Sydmouth /Ships 3. Mariners 24. Mariners 62. Hoo /Shippes 2. Exmouth /Ships 10. Mariners 24. Mariners 193. Maydstone /Shippes 2. Tegmouth /Ships 7. Mariners 51. Mariners 120. Hope /Shippes 2. Dartmouth /Ships 31. Mariners 59. Mariners 757. New Hithe /Shippes 5. Portsmouth /Ships 5. Mariners 49. Mariners 96. Margat /Shippes 15. Plimouth /Ships 26. Mariners 160. Mariners 603. [1]Motue /Shippes 2. Loo /Ships 20. Mariners 22. Mariners 315. Feuersham /Shippes 2. Yalme /Ships 2. Mariners 25. Mariners 47. Sandwich /Ships 22. [2]Fowey /Ships 47. Mariners 504. Mariners 770. Douer /Ships 16. Bristol /Ships 22. Mariners 336. Mariners 608. Wight /Ships 13. Tenmouth /Ships 2. Mariners 220. Mariners 25. Winchelsey /Ships 21. Hasting /Ships 5. Mariners 596. Mariners 96. Waymouth /Ships 15. Romney /Ships 4. Mariners 263. Mariners 65. Rye /Ships 9. Swanrey /Ships 1. Mariners 156. Mariners 29. Hithe /Ships 6. Ilfercombe /Ships 6. Mariners 122. Mariners 79. Shoreham /Ships 20. [4]Patricke- /Ships 2. Mariners 329. stowe Mariners 27. [3]Soford /Ships 5. Polerwan /Ships 1. Mariners 80. Mariners 60. Newmouth /Ships 2. Wadworth /Ships 1. Mariners 18. Mariners 14. Hamowl /Ships 7. Kardife /Ships 1. hooke Mariners 117. Mariners 51. Hoke /Ships 11. Bridgwater /Ships 1. Mariners 208. Mariners 15. Southhapton /Ships 21. Kaermarthen /Ships 1. Mariners 576. Mariners 16. Lymington /Ships 9. Caileches- /Ships 1. Mariners 159. worth Mariners 12. Poole /Ships 4. Mulbrooke /Ships 1. Mariners 94. Mariners 12. Wareham /Ships 3. Summe of the /Ships 493. Mariners 59. South fleete Mariners 9630.

[Footnote 1: Or, Morne.] [Footnote 2: Or, Foy.] [Footnote 3: Or, Seford.] [Footnote 4: Or, Padstow.]

The North fleete

Bamburgh /Ships 1. Waynefleet /Ships 2. Mariners 9. Mariners 49. Newcastle /Ships 17. Wrangle /Ships 1. Mariners 314. Mariners 8. Walrich /Ships 1. [2]Lenne /Ships 16. Mariners 12. Mariners 382. Hertilpoole /Ships 5. Blackney /Ships 2. Mariners 145. Mariners 38. Hull /Ships 16. Scarborough /Ships 1. Mariners 466. Mariners 19. Yorke /Ships 1. [3]Yearnmouth /Ships 43. Mariners 9. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Ranenser /Ships 1. Donwich /Ships 6. Mariners 27. Mariners 102. Woodhouse /Ships 1. Orford /Ships 3. Mariners 22. Mariners 62. [1]Stokhithe /Ships 1. Goford /Ships 13. Mariners 10. Mariners 303. Barton /Ships 3. Herwich /Ships 14. Mariners 30. Mariners 283. Swinefleete /Ships 1. Ipswich /Ships 12. Mariners 11. Mariners 239. Saltfleet /Ships 2. Mersey /Ships 1. Mariners 49. Mariners 6. Grimesby /Ships 11. [4]Brightlingsey /Ships 5. Mariners 171. Mariners 61. Colchester /Ships 5. Boston /Ships 17. Mariners 90. Mariners 361. Whitbanes /Ships 1. Swinhumber /Ships 1. Mariners 17. Mariners 32. Malden /Ships 2. Barton /Ships 5. Mariners 32. Mariners 91. Derwen /Ships 1. The Summe /Ships 217. Mariners 15. of the North Mariners 4521. fleete

The summe totall of /Ships 700. all the English fleete Mariners 14151.

[Footnote 1: Stockhith] [Footnote 2: Or, Linne] [Footnote 3: Or, Yermouth] [Footnote 4: Now Brickelsey]

Estrangers their ships and mariners

Bayon /Ships 15. Flanders /Ships 14. Mariners 439. Mariners 133.

Spayne /Ships 7. Gelderland /Ships 1. Mariners 184. Mariners 24.

Ireland /Ships 1. Mariners 25.

The summe of all the Estrangers /Ships 38. Mariners 805.

The summe of expenses aswell of wages & prests as for the expenses of the kings houses, and for other gifts and rewards, shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie, and before Calice, during the siege there, as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne, is iii. hondreth xxxvii. thousand li. ix. s. iiii. d.

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A note out of Thomas Walsmgham [Footnote: Thomas Walsingham, a native of Norfolk and Benedictine monk of St. Albans. He wrote A History of England, from 1273 to the Death of Henry V, and Ypodigma Neustri. His writings contain very little original information.] touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith King Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359.

Anno grati 1359. Iohannes Rex Franci sub vmbra pacis, & dolose obtulit Regi Angli Flandriam, Picardiam, Aquitaniam, aliasque terras quas equitauerat & vastarat: pro quibus omnibus ratificandis, idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit: quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt. Vnde motus Rex Angli, celeriter se & suos prparauit ad transfretandum, ducens secum principem Walli Edwardum suum primogenitum, ducem Henricim Lancastri & fer proceres omnes, quos comitabantur vel sequebantur poene mille currus, habuitque apud Sanwicam instructas optime vndecies centum naues, & cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit, relicto domino Thoma de Woodstock filio suo minore admodum paruulo Anglici regni custode, sub tutela tamen.

The same in English.

In the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily, and vnder pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England, Flanders, Picardie, Gascoigne, and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted, for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France, but the Frenchmen gainsaied them in all their articles and demaunds. Whereupon the king of England being prouoked, speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas, carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant, and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles, with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them. And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished: with which preparation he passed ouer the seas, to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie, leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke, being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England, albeit not without a protectour, &c.

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The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier, and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford, to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole, in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England.

[Sidenote: The words of Gerardus Mercator in the foote of his general Map vpon the description of the North partes.] Quod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet, eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis qui qudam ex rebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat, maiorem autem partem & potiora, a Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegi, An. Dom. 1364. didicit. Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat, & referebat, An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxonieasem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse, ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectu descripsisse omnia, & Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam fer, vti ex Iacobo collegimus, Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi, vt naues semel ingress nullo vento retroagi possent, neque ver vnquam tantam ibi ventum esse, vt mol frumentari circumagend sufficiat. Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis (qui floruit, An. 1210.) in libro de mirabilibus Hyberni, sic enim scribit. Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus, Islandia, &c. ex parte Boreali, est maris qudam miranda vorago, in quam remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marini tanquam ex condicto fluunt, & recurrunt, qui in secreta natur penetralia se ibi transfundentes, quasi in Abyssum vorantur. Si ver nauem hac fort transire contigerit, tanta rapitur, & attrahitur fluctuum violentia, vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat.

Quatuor voragines huius Oceani, a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt, vnde & tam marinos fluctus, qum & olicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant.

The same in English.

Touching the description of the North partes, I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske, which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine: and the most part, and chiefest things among the rest, he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court, in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands, and he reported that in the yeere 1360, a certaine English Frier, a Franciscan, and a Mathematician of Oxford, came into those Islands, who leauing them, and passing further by his Magicall Arte, described all those places that he sawe, and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe, according to the forme that I (Gerard Mercator) haue set downe in my mappe, and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen. Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole, with so great a force, that the ships which once entred therein, could by no meanes be driuen backe againe, and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing, as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill.

Giraldus Cambrensis (who florished in the yeere 1210, vnder king Iohn) in his booke of the miracles of Ireland, hath certaine words altogether alike with these videlicet:

[Sidenote: There is a notable whirlepoole on the coast of Norway, caled Malestrando (Mlstrom), about the latitude of 68.] Not farre from these Islands (namely the Hebrides, Island &c.) towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea, whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse, as it were without stoppe: which, there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature, are swallowed vp, as it were, into a bottomlesse pit, and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way, it is pulled, and drawen with such a violence of the waues, that eftsoones without remedy, the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same.

The Philosophers describe foure indranghts of this Ocean sea, in the foure opposite quarters of the world, from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea, as the blasts of the winde, haue their first originall.

* * * * *

A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee, [Footnote: Born in London in 1537. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was a man of vast erudition, but being, in Mary's reign, suspected of devoting himself to the "black art," a mob broke into his house and destroyed his library, museum, and mathematical instruments, said to be worth 2,000; and he himself was cast into prison. He was in great favour with Queen Elizabeth, who is said to haue paid him a salary, employed him on secret political missions, and visited him at Mortlake. He professed to be able to raise the dead, and had a magic ball (in reality a lump of black lead), in which he pretended to read the future, and which was afterwards in Horace Walpole's collection at Strawberry Hill. In 1596. he was made Warden of Manchester College, and died in 1608.] touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna.

Anno 1360. (that is to wit, in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third) a frier of Oxford, being a good Astronomer, went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world, and there leauing his company together, hee transited alone, and purposely described all the Northerne Islands, with the indrawing seas: and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England. [Sidenote: Inuentio Fortunata.] The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata (aliter fortun) qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum. Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither, and home againe.

It is to be noted, that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke (whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name) to Island, it is not about a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde, and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade: which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fisher men of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke, by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island. [Sidenote: An 2. & 4. & 31. Edwardi tertij.]

* * * * *

The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth, An. Dom 1340. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels, recorded by Thomas of Walsingham

[Sidenote: An. Dom. 1390.] Dominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempos profectus est in le Pruys, vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dict patri & cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe, captis quatuor ducibus, & tribus peremptis & amplius quam trecentis, de valentioribus exercitus sapradicti pariter interemptis. Ciuitas quoque vocatur [Marginal note: Alias Vilna] Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat, potenti virtute dicti Comitis maxim atque suorum capta est. Namque qui fuerunt de familia sua primi murum ascenderant & vexillum ejus super muros, cteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus, posuerunt. Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum, fratre Regis de Poleyn inter cteros ibi perempto, qui aduersarius nostri fuit Obsessumque fuit castrum dict Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas: Sed propter infirmitates, quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys & de Lifland noluerunt diutis expectare. Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo. Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum.

The same in English.

About the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia, where, with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince, and of a certaine king called Wytot, hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe, with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes, and the slaughter of three, besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine. The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna, into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard, was, by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers, surprised and taken. For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie, while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent, skaling the walles, aduanced his colours thereupon. And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers, and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother, who was our professed enemie. And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes: but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed, the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer. There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith. And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues.

* * * * *

The voyage of Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia, in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham.

Eodem tempore dux Glouerni Dominus Thomas de Woodstock [Marginal note: Filius natu minimus Edwardi 3.], multis moerentibus, iter apparauit verss le Pruys: quem non Loudinensium gemitus, non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant, quin proficisci vellet. Nam plebs communis tm Vrbana qum rustica metuebant qud eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret, quo prsente nihil tale timebant. Siquidm in eo spes & solatium totus patri reposita videbantur. Ipse ver mx, vt fines patri su transijt, illic aduersa agitatus fortuna, nunc hc nunc illc turbinibus procellosis circumfertur; & in tantum destituitur, vt de vita etiam desperaret. [Sidenote: Reditus.] Tandem post Daciam, post Norwagiam, post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam, peruenit Northumbriam, & ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velut assylum antiquitus notum sibi: vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy, magnum apportans gaudium toti regno, tam de eius euasione, qum de aduentu suo.

The same in English.

At the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock (the yongest sonne of Edward the third) to the great griefe of many, tooke his iourney towards Prussia: whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition. For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen; which they feared not while he was present. For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort. Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey, he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests, and was brought into such distresse, that he despaired euen of his owne life. At length, hauing not without danger of death, sailed along the coastes of Denmarke, Norway, and Scotland, he returned into Northumberland, and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him; where, after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes, hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy, bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome, aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne.

* * * * *

The verses of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue, who liuing in the yeere 1402. [Footnote: Chaucer died 25. October, 1400, according to the inscription on his tombstone at Westminster. Urry, in his edition of Chaucer, folio, 1721, p. 534, attributes the Epistle to Cupid to Thomas Occleue, Chaucer's scholar, but does not give his authority.] (as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide) shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon, were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe, and other heathen lands, to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants, and to seeke honour by feats of armes.

The English Knights Prologue.

[Sidenote: Long trauaile.] A Knight there was, and that a worthie man, that from the time that he first began to riden out, he loued Cheualrie, trouth, honour, freedome, and Curtesie. full worthy was he in his lords warre: and thereto had hee ridden no man farre, As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse, and euer had honour for his worthinesse.

[Sidenote: Alexandria.] At Alisandre hee was, when it was wonne: full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce, In Lettowe had hee riden, and in Ruce, no Christen man so oft of his degree: In Granade at the siege had he bee At Algezer[1]: and ridden in Belmarye: At Leyes [2] was hee, and also at Satalye,[3] when they were wonne: and in the great see at many a Noble armie had hee bee. At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene, And foughten for our faith at Tramissen,[4] in listes thries, and aye slayne his foe:

This ilke worthie Knight had bin also, sometime with the lord of Palathye [5] ayenst another Heathen in Turkie.

Written in the lustie moneth of May in our Palace, where many a million of louers true haue habitation, The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond, a thousand, foure hundred and second.

[Footnote 1: Algezer in Granado.] [Footnote 2: Layas in Armenia. Froysart. lib. 3. cap. 40.] [Footnote 3: Satalie in the mayne of Asia neere Rhods.] [Footnote 4: Tremisen is in Barbarie.] [Footnote 5: Or, Palice. Froysart lib. 3. cap. 40.]

* * * * *

The original proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren trades and traffique of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperour, who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. vnder the Romans, Britons, Saxons, and Danes, till the conquest: and from the conquest, vntill this present time, gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this nation.

* * * * *

A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius Tacitus, proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne of Nero the Emperour, which died in the yeere of Christ 70.

At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem coloni non insigne, sed copia negociatorum & commeatu maxime celebre.

The same in English.

But Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of his enemies, vnto London, which though it were not honoured with the name and title of a Romane Colonie, yet was it most famous for multitude of Marchants and concourse of people.

* * * * *

A testimome out of Venerable Beda (which died in the yeere of our Lord 734.) proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne.

Anno Dommin incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britanniarum Archiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos, Mellitum videlicet & Iustum: Mellitum quidem ad prdicandum prouinci Orientalium Saxonum, qui Tamesi fluuio dirimuntur Cantia & ipsi Orientali Mari contigui, quorum Metropolis Londonia Ciuitas est super ripam prfati fluminis posita & ipsa multorum emporium populorum, terra marique venientium. [Footnote: Beda Ecclesiastic histori Gentis Anglornm lib. 2. cap 3.]

The same in English.

In the yeere of the incarnation of Chnst 604. Augustine Archbishop of Britaine consecrated two Bishops, to wit Mellitus and Iustus. He appoynted Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons which are diuided from Kent by the riuer of Thames, and border vpon the Easterne sea, whose chiefe and Metropolitane Citie is London seated vpon the banke of the aforesaid riuer, which is also a Marte Towne of many nations, which repayre thither by sea and by land.

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The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion. This Offa died in the yeere of our Lord 795.

Offa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibus amicum parauit: quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Caroli animo inuenerit. Discordarunt antea, adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobique concurrentibus, etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur. Est Epistola Albini huiusce rei index, cuius partem hic apponam.

Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit. [Sidenote: Nauigatio interdicta.] Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante, nuper inter Regem Carolum & Regem Offam exortum est: ita vt vtrinque nauigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset. Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes mittendos. Et nonnullis interpositis, Nunc, inquit, ex verbis Caroli foedus firmum inter eum & Offam compactum subijciam. Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum, & Longobardorum, & patricius Romanorum, viro venerando & fratri charissimo Off Regi Mercioram salutem. Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti deo, de salute animarum, de Cathoc fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis vero qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum beatoram Apostolorum limina desiderant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si aliqui, non religioni seruientes, sed lucra sectantes, inueniantur inter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. [Sidenote: Negociatorum Anglicanorum patrocinium.] Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in Regno nostro legitime. Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione, reclament ad nos vel nostros indices, & plenam videbimus iustitiam fieri. [Footnote: Malmsbur. de gestis Regum Anglorum lib. 1. cap 4.]

The same in English.

In the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maigne the king of France, to be his friend: albeit he could not easily finde king Charles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts. [Sidenote: Traffique prohibited] Their mindes were so alienated before, that bearing hauty stomacks on both parts, euen the mutuall traffique of their Marchants was prohibited. The Epistle of Albmus is a sufficient testimony of this matter part whereof I will here put downe.

I know not (quoth he) what will become of vs. [Sidenote: Nauigation forbidden.] For there is of late, by the instigation of the deuill, some discord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Offa: insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbidden vnto the Marchants of both their dominions. Some say that we are to be sent, for the obtaining of a peace, into those partes. And againe, after a fewe lines. Nowe (quoth he) out of Charles his owne words, I will make report of the league concluded betweene him and Offa.

[Sidenote: A league between Carol. Mag. and K. Offa.] Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes, vnto the reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercians sendeth greeting. First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes for the saluation of soules, and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith, which we, to your great commendation, haue found signified in your letters. As touching those pilgrimes, who for the loue of God and their owne soules health, are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles, let them goe in peace without all disturbance. But if any be found amongst them not honouring religion, but following their owne gaine, they are to pay their ordinarie customes at places conuenient. [Sidenote: Protection of the English marchants] It is our pleasure also and commandement, that your marchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our dominions. Who, if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any vniust oppression, let them make their supplication vnto vs, or vnto our Iudges, and we will see iustice executed to the full.

* * * * *

An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes, containing among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing the wide seas, set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert pagina 500. of his perambulation of Kent.

It was sometime in English lawes, that the people and the lawes were in reputation: and then were the wisest of the people worship worthy, euery one after his degree: Earle, and Churle, Thein, and vnder-Thein. And if a churle thriued so, that hee had fully fiue hides of his owne land, a Church and a Kitchin, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seate, and a seuerall office in the Kings hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if a Thein so thriued, that he serued the king, and on his message rid in his houshold, if he then had a Thein that followed him, the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord serued, and thrise with his errand had gone to the king, he might afterward with his foreoth his lords part play at any great neede. And if a Thein did thriue so, that he became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles right worthie. And if a Marchant so thriued, that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas, of his owne craft, he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie. And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had, and serued Christ, he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie, as thereunto belonged, vnlesse he forfaited so, that he the vse of his degree vse he might.

* * * * *

A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Merchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome, extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England.

Sit vobis notom quia magna congregatio nobilora in ipsa solemnitate Pascali, Rom cum Domino Papa Ioanne, & imperatore Conrado erat, scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano, vsque ad istum proximum Mare: qui omnes me & honorifice suscepere, & magnificis donis honorauere. Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs & muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum, tam in vasis aureis & argenteis, quam in pallijs & vestibus valde pretiosis. Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore, & Domino Papa, & principibus qui ibi erant, de necessitatibus totius populi mei, tam Angli quam Dani, vt eis concederetur lex quior, & pax securior in via Romam adeundi, & ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur, & propter iniustum teloneum fatigarentur. Annutque postulatis Imperator, & Rodulphus Rex, qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur, cunctique principes edictis firmarunt, vt homines mei tam Mercatores, qum alij orandi gratia viatores, absque omni anguria clausurarum & teloneariorum, cum firma pace Romam eant & redeant. [Footnote: William of Malmsb. lib. 2. cap. 9. de gestis Regum Anglorum.]

The same in English.

You are to vnderstand, that at the feast of Easter, there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome, namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus [Footnote: Garganus a mountain of Apulia in Italy.] vnto the West Ocean sea. Who all of them honourably interteined me, and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts: but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee, both in vessels or golde and siluer, and also in cloakes and garments of great value. Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope, and with the other Princes who were there present, concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes; that a more fauourable law & secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them, and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops & impediments in their iourney, and weaned by reason of iniust exactions. And the Emperour condescended vnto my request, and king Rodulphus also, who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights, and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts, that my subiects, as well Marchants, as others who trauailed for deuotions sake, should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers, goe vnto Rome in peace, and returne from thence in safetie.

* * * * *

The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis, which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen.

Haud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas nobilis, opima ciuium diuitijs, constipata negociatorum ex omni terra, & maxime ex Germania venientium, commercijs. Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit, ibi necessaria distrahantur & emantur minore, qum alibi, vel vendentium compendio, vel ementium dispendio. Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis finibus Tamesis fluuius famosus, qui citra vrbem ad 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus, vltra plus 70. nomen profert. [Footnote: Guliel. Malmesb. de gestis pont. Anglorum lib. 2.]

The same in English.

Not farre from Rochester, about the distance of fiue and twenty miles, standeth the Noble Citie of London, abounding with the riches of the inhabitants, [Sidenote: Germanie] and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations, and especially out of Germanie. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in England, by reason of the scarcitie of corne, things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers, and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers, then in any other place of the Realme. Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames: which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie, is called by one and the selfe same name 70. miles beneath it.

* * * * *

The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke de gestis pontificum Anghorum, after this maner.

In eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine, in quo est nauium portus ab Hibernia & Norwegia & cteris transmarinis terris venientium receptaculum, ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio.

The same in English.

[Sidenote: Norway.] In the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow, [Footnote: Bristol.] with an Hauen belonging thereunto, which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same, from Ireland, Norway, and other outlandish and foren countreys: namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands.

* * * * *

The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie, wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England, confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157, recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis, being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis.

Ibidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angli missi, varia & preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata prstantes. Inter qu papilionem vnum quantitate maximum, qualitate optimum perspeximus. Cuius si quantitatem requiris, non nisi machinis & instrumentorum genere & adminiculo leuari poterat: si qualitatem, nec materia nec opere ipsum putem aliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri. Literas quoque mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat, quarum hic tenor fuit. Prcordiali amico suo, Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori inuictissimo, Henricus Rex Angli, dux Normanni, & Aquitani, & Comes Andegauensis, salutem, & ver dilectionis concordiam. Excellenti vestr quantas possumus referimus grates, dominantium optime, quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare, salutare literis, muneribus pruenire, & quod his charius amplectimur, pacis & amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare. Exultauimus, & quodammodo animum nobis crescere, & in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio, in qua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis. Regni nostri negocijs, alacriores nos reddidit, & promptiores. Exultauimus inquam, & tota mente magnificenti vestr assurreximus, id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes, quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus, pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus. Regnum nostrum & quicquid vbique nostr subijcitur ditioni vobis exponimus & vestr committimus potestati, vt ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur, & in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij. [Sidedote: Commercia inter Germanos & Anglos.] Sit igitur inter nos & populos nostros dilectionis & pacis vnitas indiuisa, commercia tuta. Ita tamen vt vobis, qui dignitate prminetis, imperandi cedat authoritas, nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi. Et sicut vestraa Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio, sic vos nostri quoque reminisci proptamus, mittentes qu pulchriora penes nos erant, & vobis magis placitura. Attendite itaque dantis affectum, non data, & eo animo quo dantur accipite. De manu beati Iacobi, super qua nobis scripsistis, in ore magistri Hereberti & Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbum posuimus. Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton.

The same in English.

There were present also the same tune, the messengers of Henry [Footnote: The Second.] king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts, and that with great learning & eloquence of speech. Amongst the which we saw a pauilion, most large in quantity, & most excellent in quality. For if you desire to know the quantitie therof, it could not be erected without engines and a kinde of instruments, and maine force: if the qualitie, I thinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde, that surpassed the same either in stuffe or workemanship. The said king directed his letters also, full of sugred speeches, the tenour whereof was this that followeth.

To his entirely beloued friend Frederick [Footnote: Son of Frederick, Duke of Suabia, was born in 1121. and succeeded his uncle Conrad III. in 1152 as Emperor of the West. As was proved by his campaigns in Italy in 1154, 1158, and 1162, and by the justice and probity of his administration, he was equally great as a soldier and as a ruler. He joined the Third Crusade in 1189, and was drowned whilst crossing a river in Asia in June, 1190. His memory is still cherished amongst the peasants of Germany, who look upon him in the same light as the Welsh on Arthur.] by the grace of God Emperour of the Romanes most inuincible, Henry king of England, duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie. We doe render vnto your highnes (most renowmed and peerelesse Prince) exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by your messengers to visite vs in your letters to salute vs, with your gifts to present vs, and (which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest) to beginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced, and in a maner sensibly felt our selues to bee greatly emboldened, and our courage to encrease, whilest your promise, whereby you put vs in good comfort, did make vs more cheerefull and resolute, in managing the affaires of our kingdome. We reioyced (I say) & in our secret cogitations did humble obeisance vnto your Maiestie, giuing you at this time to vnderstand from the sincere & vnfained affection of our heart, that whatsoeuer we shal know to tend vnto your honour, we are, to our power most ready to put in practise. Our kingdome, and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doe offer vnto you, and commit the same vnto our highnesse, that all matters may be disposed according to your direction, and that your pleasure may in all things be fulfilled. Let there be therefore betweene our selues and our subiects, an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace, and safe trade of Marchandize yet so, as that vnto you (who excell in dignitie) authoritie in commanding may bee ascribed, and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs. And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance of your Maiestie euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the most rare things in our custodie and which we thought should be most acceptable vnto you, wee doe most heartily wish that your selfe also would not altogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto the gifts, but vnto the affection of the giuer, and accept of them with that minde, wherewith they are offered vnto you.

Concerning the hand of S Iames, [Footnote: According to the legend, the relics of this saint were miraculously conveyed to Spain in a ship of marble from Jerusalem, where he was bishop.] about which you wrote vnto vs, we haue sent you word by M Herbert, and by William the Clerke. Witnes Thomas our Chancelour at Northanton.

* * * * *

A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in the [Marginal note: 1199] first yeere of his reigne, as appeareth in the Records of the Tower, Anno 1. Regis Ioannis.

Ioannes Dei gratij &c. Maiori & Communitati Londinensi salutam. Sciatis voluntatem esse nostram, quod omnes Mercatores de quicunque fuerunt terra saluum habeant conductum ire & redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam. [Sidenote: Solit mercatorum consuetudines.] Volumus etiam quod eandem habeant pacem in Anglia, quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis vnde fuerunt egressi. Et ideo vobis prcipimus, quod hoc faciatis denunciari in Balliua vestra, & firmiter teneri; permittentes eos ire & redire sine impedimento per debitas & rectas & solitas consuetudines in Balliua vestra. Teste Galfredo filio Petri comite Essexi apud Kinefard 5. die Aprilis.

In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex, Maiori & commumtati Ciuitatis Winton, Balliuo de Southampton, Balliuo de Lenne, Balliuo Kent, Vicecomiti Norffolci & Suffolci, Vicecomiti dorset & Sommerset, Baronibus de quinque portubus, Vicecomiti de Southampton sire, Vicecomiti de Herttford & Essex, Vicecomiti Cornubi & Deuon.

The same in English.

Iohn by the grace of God &c. to the Maior and communaltie of London, greeting. You are to vnderstand, that it is our pleasure, that all Marchants of what nation soeuer shall haue safe conduct to passe and repasse with their Marchandize into England. It is our will also, that they be vouchsafed the same fauour in England, which is granted vnto the English Marchants in those places from whence they come. [Sidenote: The ancient customes of Marchaunts.] And therefore we giue you in charge, that you cause this to be published, and proclaimed in your bailiwicke, & firmely to be obserued, permitting them to goe & come, without impediment, according to the due, right and ancient customes vsed in your said Bailiwucke. Witnesse Geofry Fitz-Peter Earle of Essex at Kinefard the 5. day of April.

The same forme of writing was sent to the sherife of Sudsex, to the Maior and communaltie of the Citie of Winchester, to the Baily of Southampton, the Baily of Lenne, the Baily of Kent, the sherife of Norfolke and Suffolke, the sherife of Dorset and Sommerset, the Barons of the Cinque-ports, the sherife of Souththampton shire the sherife of Hertford and Essex the sherife of Cornewal and Deuon.

* * * * *

Liter regis Henrici tertij ad Haquinum Regem Norwegi de pacis foedere & intercursu mercandisandi Anno 1 Henrici 3. [Marginal note: 1216.]

Henricus Dei gratia &c. Haquino eadem gratia Regi Norwegi salutem. Immensas nobilitati vestr referimus gratiarum actiones de his qu per literas vestris prudentem virum. Abbatem de Lisa nobis significastis volentes & desiderantes foedus pacis & dilectionis libenter nobiscum inire & nobiscum confoederari. Bene autem placet & placebit nobis quod terr nostr comunes sint, & Mercatores & homines qui sunt de potestate vestra libere & sine impedimento terram nostrum adire possint, & homines & Mercatores nostri similiter terri vestram. Dum tamen literas vestras patentes super hoc nobis destinctis & nos vobis nostras transmittemus. Interim autem bene volumus & concedimus, quod Mercatores tam de terra vestra qum nostra eant veniant, & recedant per terras nostras Et si quid vestr sederit voluntati quod facere valeamus id secur nobis significetis. Detinuimus autem adhuc Abbatem prlictum, vt de naui vestra & rebus in ea contentis pro posse nostro restitutionem fieri faceremus: per quem de statu nostro & Regni nostri vos certificare curabimus & qum citius &c. Teste me ipso apud Lamhithe decimo die Octobris.

Eodem modo scribitur S. Duci Norwegi ibidem & eodem die.

The letters of King Henry the third vnto Haquinus [Footnote: Haco IV., bastard of the able adventurer Swerro. His invasion of Scotland in 1263 forms a striking episode of medval history.] King of Norway concerning a treatie of peace and mutuall traffique of marchandize, &c.

Henry by the grace of God, &c. vnto Haquinus by the same grace King of Norway sendeth greeting. Wee render vnto your highnesse vnspeakeable thanks for those things which by your letters, and by your discreete subiect the Abbat of Lisa, you haue signified vnto vs, and also for that you are right willing and desirous to begin and to conclude betweene vs both, a league of peace and amitie. And wee for our part both nowe are, and hereafter shalbe well contented that both our lands be common to the ende that the Marchants and people of your dominions may freely and without impediment resort vnto our land, and our people and Marchants may likewise haue recourse vnto your territories. Prouided, that for the confirmation of this matter, you send vnto vs your letters patents, and wee will send ours also vnto you. Howbeit in the meane while wee doe will and freely graunt, that the Marchants both of our and your lands, may goe, come, and returne to and from both our Dominions. And if there be ought in your minde, whereby we might stand you in any stead, you may boldly signifie the same vnto vs. Wee haue as yet deteined the foresaid Abbat, that wee might, to our abilitie, cause restitution to be made for your ship, and for the things therein contained: by whome wee will certifie you of our owne estate, and of the estate of our kingdome so soone, &c, Witnesse our selfe at Lambith the tenth of October.

Another letter in the same forme and to the same effect was there and then sent vnto S. Duke of Norway.

Mandatum pro Coga Regis Norwegi Anno 13. Henrici 3.

Mandatum est omnibus Balliuis portuum in quos ventura est Coga de Norwegia, in qua venerint in Angliam milites Regis Norwegi & Mercatores Saxoni, quod cum prdictam Cogam in portus suos venire contigerit, salu permittant ipsam Cogam in portubus suis morari, quamdiu necesse habuerit, & libere sine impedimento inde recedere quando voluerint. Teste Rege.

The same in English.

A Mandate for the King of Norway his Ship called the Cog.

Wee will and commaund all bailifes of Portes, at the which the Cog of Norway (wherein certaine of the king of Norwaie his souldiers, and certaine Marchants of Saxonie are comming for England) shall touch, that, when the foresaid Cog shall chance to arriue at any of their Hauens, they doe permit the said Cog safely to remaine in their said Hauens so long as neede shall require, and without impediment also freely to depart thence, whensoeuer the gouernours Of the sayd ship shall thinke it expedient. Witnesse the King.

* * * * *

Carta pro Mercatoribus de Colonia anno 20. Henrici 3. Confirmata per Regem Edwardum primum 8. Iulij Anno Regni 18. prout extat in rotulo cartarum de Anno 18. Regis Edwardi primi.

Rex Archiepiscopis &c. salutem. Sciatis nos quietos clamasse pro nobis & hredibus nostris dilectos nostros, Ciues de Colonia, & mercandisam suam de illis duobus solidis, [Marginal note: Antiqua consuetudo Gildhall Coloniensium Londini.] quos solebant dare de Gildhalia sua London, & de omnibus alijs consuetudinibus & demandis, qu pertinent ad nos in London, & per totam terram nostram; & quod liber possunt ire ad ferias, per totam terram nostram & emere & vendere in villa London & alibi, salua libertate Ciuitatis nostr London. Quare volumus & firmiter prcipimus pro nobis & hredibus nostris quod prdicti ciues de Colonia prnommatas libertates & libera consuetudines habeant per totam terram nostram Angli sicut prdictum est. His testibus, venerabili patre Waltero Caerleoiensi Episcopo, Wilhelmo de Ferarijs, Gilberto Basset, Waltero de Bello campo, Hugone Disspenser, Waltero Marescallo, Galfrido Dispenser, Bartholomo Pech, Bartholomo de Saukeuill, & alijs. Data per manum venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicistronsis Episcopi, Cancellarij nostri apud Dauintre Octauo die Nouembris, Anno Regni nostri vicesimo.

The same in English.

A Charter graunted for the behalfe of the Marchants of Colen [Footnote: Cologne.] in the twentieth yeere of Henry the third, confirmed by King Edward the first, as it is extant in the roule of Charters, in the eighteenth yeere of King Edward the first.

The King vnto Archbishops &c. greeting. [Sidenote: The ancient custome of the Coloners Gildhall in London.] Be it knowen vnto you, that wee haue quite claimed, and for vs and our heires released our welbeloued the Citizens of Colen and their marchandize, from the payment of those two shillings which they were wont to pay out of their Gildhall at London and from all other customes and demaunds, which perteine vnto vs, either in London, or in any other place of our Dominions and that they may safely resort vnto Fayers throughout our whole Kingdome, and buy and sell in the Citie of London. Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our heires, that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and free priuiledges aboue-mentioned, throughout our whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid. Witnesses, the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil, William de Ferarijs, Gilbert Basset, Walter de Beauchamp Hugh Disspenser, Walter Marescal, Geofrie Disspensser. Bartholomew Peach, Bartholomew de Saukeuill and others. Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre, the eight day of Nouember in the twentieth yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa. Anno 41. Henrici 3.

[Sidenote: Carta conditionalis]

Henricus dei gracia Rex Angli dominus Hiberni, dux Normani, Aquitani, & Comes Andegaui, omnibus Balliuis suis salutem. [Sidenote: Ricardus Comes Cornubia Rex Romanorum.] Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti & fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubi in Regum Romanorum electi, suscepisse in protectionem & defensionem nostram & saluum & securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus & mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent, vel facient deferri. Et eis concessimus, quod de omnibus rebus & mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem eorundem; sed libere vendant & negocientur inde in Regno prdicto, prout sibi viderint expedire. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram nostram cum rebus & mercandisis suis ibidem morando, & inde recedendo, nullum inferatis, aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut grauamen. Nec eos contra quietantiam prdictam vexetis, aut ab alijs vexari permittatis. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fiera fecimus patentes per septennium durantes: Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim bene & fideliter se habuerint erga prfatum electum fratrem nostrum. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo. Hc litera duplicata est, pro Burgensibus & mercatoribus Dacis, Brunswig, & Lubek.

The same in English.

The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres, obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third.

Henry by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland, Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, and Earle of Anjou, to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting. Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romanes, we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence, and vnder our safe and secure conduct, the citizens of Lubek in Alemain, with all their goods and wares, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdome. We haue also granted vnto them, that of all their goods and merchandize, nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues, or of any other without their owne consent, but that they may freely sell and exercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient. And therefore we straightly command you, that neither your selues do offer, nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or moletstation vnto the said Burgers or vnto their messengers, either at their comming into our land, with their goods and marchandize, in the time of their abode there, or at their departure from thence, and that yee neither molest them your selues, nor yet suffer them by others to be molested, contrary to the aforesaid Charter. In testimonie whereof, we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents, during the space of seuen yeeres next following.

Prouided, that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother. Witnesse our selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March, [Footnote: Sic in Hakluyt. It should be May.] in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne.

* * * * *

This Letter was doubled, namely for the Burghers, and the Marchants of Denmarke, of Brunswig, and of Lubecke.

Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanni, qui habent domum in London, qu Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur. Anno 44. Henrici tertij, & Anno primo & 29. Edwardi primi renouata & confirmata.

Ad instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatonbus Alemanni, illis videlicet qui habent domum in Ciuitate nostra London, qu Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulganter nuncupatur, quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum Regnum nostrum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus, quibus ipsi nostris & [Marginal note: Nota antiquitatem.] progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi sunt & gauisi. Ipsosque extra huiusmodi libertates & liberas consuetudines non trahemus, nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.

The same in English

A charter for the Marchants of Almaine, who haue an house at London commonly called [Marginal note: The Stiliard.] the Guild hall of the Dutch, graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third, renued and confirmed in the 1. & 29. yeere of Edward the first.

At the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romanes our most deare brother, wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of Alemain (namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London, commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants) that we will, throughout our whole Realme, maintaine all and euery of them, in all those liberties and free customes, which both in our times, and in the times of our progenitors, they haue vsed and enioyed. [Sidenote: Note the antiquity.] Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free customes, nor in any wise permit them to be inforced. In witnesse whereof, wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents.

* * * * *

Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis.

Mercatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London &c. infra quadraginta dies post ingressum suum, anno 3. Edwardi primi.

The same in English.

A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants.

We will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the citie of London &c. within forty dayes of their ariuall.

* * * * *

The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first, in the 31. yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria, Anno Domini 1303.

Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angli, Dommus Hiberni dux Aquitani, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Iustitiarijs, Vicecomitibus, prpositis, ministris, & omnibus balliuis & fidelibus suis salutem. Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum regnorum, terrarum, & prouinciarum, videlicet Alemanni, Franci, Hispani, Portugalli, Nauarr, Lombardi, Thusci, Prouinci, Cataloni, ducatus nostri Aquitani, Tholosani, Caturluni, Flandri, Brabanti, & omnium aliarum terrarum & locorum extraneorum, quocunque nomine censeantur, venientium in regnum nostrum Angli & ibidem conuersantium nos prcipua cura sollicitat, qualiter sub nostro dominio tranquillitatis & plen securitatis immunitas eisdem mercatoribus futuris temporibus prparetur. Vt itaque vota ipsorum reddantur ad nostra & regni nostri seruitia promptiora, ipsorum petitionibus fauorabiliter annuentes, & pro statu eorundem plenius assecurando, in forma qu sequitur ordinantes, pro nobis & hredibus nostris in perpetuum subscripta dictis mercatoribus duximus concedenda.

1. In primis videlicet quod omnes mercatores dictorum regnorum & terrarum salu & secure sub tuitione & protectione nostra in dictum regnum nostrum Angli, & vbique infra potestatem nostram alibi veniant cum mercandisis suis quibuscunque de muragio, pontagio & pannagio liberi & quieti. Quodque infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis mercatorijs possunt mercari duntaxat in grosso tam cum indigenis seu incolis eiusdem regni & potestatis nostr prdict, qum cum alienigenis, extraneis, vel priuatis. Ita tamen quod merces, qu vulgariter merceri vocantur, ac species, minutatim vendi possint, prout antea fieri consueuit. [Sidenote: Exceptio contra notorios regni hostes.] Et quod omnes prdicti mercatores mercandisas suas, quas ipsos ad prdictum regnum & potestatem nostram adducere, seu infra idem regnum & potestatem nostram emere, vel alis acquirere contingerit, possint quo voluerint tam infra regnum & potestatem nostram prdictam, qum extra ducere vel portare facere, prterquam ad terras manifestorum & notoriorum hostium regni nostri, soluendo consuetudines quas debebunt: vinis duntaxat exceptis, qu de codem regno seu potestate nostra, postquam infra idem regnum seu potestatem nostram ducta fuerint, sine voluntate & licentia specili non liceat eis educere quoquo modo.

2. Item quod prdicti mercatores in ciuitatibus, burgis, & villis prdictis pro voluntate sua hospitari valeant, & morari cum bonis suis ad gratiam ipsorum, quorum sunt hospitia siue domus.

3. Item quod quilibet contractus per ipsos mercatores cum quibuscunque personis vndecunque fuerint super quocunque genere mercandis initus, firmus sit & stabilis, ita quod neuter mercatorum ab illo contractu possit recedere, vel resilire, postquam denarius Dei inter principales personas contrahentes datus fuerit & receptus. Et si forsan super contractu euismodi contentio oriatur fiat inde probatio aut inquisitio secundum vsus & consuetudines feriarum & villarum, vbi dictum contractum fieri contigerit & iniri.

4. Item promittimus prfatis mercatoribus pro nobis & hredibus nostris in perpetuum concedentes, quod nullam prisam vel arrestationem, seu dilationem occasione pris de ctero de mercimonijs mercandisis seu alijs bonis suis per nos vel alium seu alios pro aliqua necessitate vel casu contra voluntatem ipsorum mercatorum aliquatenus faciemus, aut fieri patiemur, nisi statim soluto precio pro quo ipsi mercatores alijs eiusmodi mercimonia vendere possint, vel eis aliter satisfacto, ita quod reputent se contentos: Et quod super mercimonia, mercandisas, seu bona ipsorum per nos vel ministros nostros nulla appreciatio aut estimatio imponetur.

[Sidenote: Lex mercatoria.] 5. Item volumus quod omnes balliui & ministri feriarum, ciuitatum, burgorum, & villarum mercatoriarum mercatoribus antedictis conquerentibus coram ijs celerem iustitiam faciant de die in diem sine dilatione secundum legem mercatoriam, de vniuersis & singulis qu per eandem legem poterunt terminari. Et si forte inueniatur defectus in aliquo balliuorum vel ministrorum prdictorum, vnde ijdem mercatores vel eorum aliquis dilationis incommoda sustinuerint vel sustineant, licet mercator versus partem in principali recuperauerit damna sua, nihilominus balliuus vel minister alius versus nos, prout delictum exigit puniatur. Et punitionem istam concedimus in fauorem mercatorum prdictorum pro corum iustitia maturanda.

6. Item quod in omnibus generibus placitorum, saluo casu criminis pro quo infligenda est poena mortis, vbi mercator implacitatus fuerit, vel alium implacitauent, cuiuscunque conditionis idem implacitatus extiterit, extraneus vel priuatus, in nundinis, ciuitatibus, siue Burgis, vbi fuerit sufficiens copia mercatorum prdictarum terrarum, & inquisitio fieri debeat, sit medietas inquisitionis de eijsdem mercatoribus, & medietas altera de probis & legalibus hominibus loci illius vbi placitum illud esse contigent. Et si de mercatoribus dictaram terrarum numerus non inuenientur sufficiens, ponentur in inquisitione illi qui idonei inuenientur ibidem, & residij sint de alijs bonis hominibus & idoneis de locis in quibus placitum illud erit.

7. Item volumus, ordinamus, & statuimus, quod in qualibet villa mercatoria & feria regni nostri prdicti & alibi infra potestatem nostram pondus nostrum in certo loco ponatur & ante ponderationem statera in presentia emptoris & venditoris vacua videatur & qud brachia sint equalia & ex tunc ponderator ponderet in quali. Et cum stateram posuerit in quali statim amoueat manus suas, ita quod remaneat in quali; quodque per totum regnum & potestatem nostram sit vnum pondus & vna mensura: & signo standardi nostri signentur: Et quod quilibet possit habere stateram vnius quaternionis, & infra, vbi contra domini loci, aut libertatem per nos & antecessores nostros concessam illud non fuerit, siue contra villarum & feriarum consuetudinem hactenus obseruatam.

8. Item volumus & concedimus, quod aliquis certus homo fidelis & discretus Londini residens assignetur iustitiarius mercatoribus memoratis, coram quo valeant specialiter placitare, & debita sua recuperare celeriter, si Vicecomites & Maiores eis non facerent de die in diem celeris iustiti complementum: Et inde fiat Commissio extra Cartam prsentem concessa mercatoribus antedictis: [Sidenote: Lex mercatoria qu?] scilicet de his qu sunt inter mercatores & mercatores secundum legem mercatoriam deducenda.

[Sidenote: Antiqu Costum.]

9. Item ordinamus & statuimus, & ordinationem illam statutmque pro nobis & hredibtis nostris in perpetuum volumus firmiter obseruari, qud pro quacunque libertate, quam nos vel hredes nostri de ctero concedemus, prfati mercatores supradictas libertates vel earum aliquam non amittant. Pro prdictis autem libertatibus & liberis consuetudinibus obtinendis, & prisis nostris remittendis ijdem supradicti mercatores vniuersi & singuli pro se & omnibus alijs de partibus suis nobis concorditer & vnanimiter concesserunt, qud de quolibet dolio vini, quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum & potestatem nostram, & vnde marinarijs fretum soluere tenebuntur, soluent nobis & hredibus nostris nomine Custum duos solidos vltra antiquas custumas debitas & in denarijs solui consuetas nobis, aut alias infra quadraginta dies, postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina. Item de quolibet sacco lanarum, quem dicti mercatores, aut alij nomine ipsorum ement & regno educent, aut emi & educi facient, soluent quadraginta denarios de incremento vltra custumam antiquam dimidi marc, qu prius fuerat persoluta pro lasta coriorum extra regnum & potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id qud ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur. Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum & potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud, quod de antiqua custuma fuerat prius datum. Item duos solidos de quolibet scarlato & panno tincto in grano. Item decem & octo denarios de quolibet panno, in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta. Item duodecem denarios de quolibet panno alio sine grano. Item duodecem denarios de qualibet ris quintalla.

10. Cumque de prfatis mercatoribus nonnuli eorum alias excicere soleant mercandisas, vt de Aucrio ponderis, & de alijs rebus subtilibus, sicut de pannis Tarsensibus, de serico, & cindallis, de seta & alijs diuersis mercibus, & de equis etiam & alijs animalibus, blado & alijs rebus & mercandisis multimodis, qu ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt, ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis & hredibus nostris de qualibet libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum & mercandisaram huiusmodi, quocunque nomine censeantur; tres denarios de libra in introitu rerum & mercandisaram ipsarum in regnum & potestatem nostram prdictam infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res & mercandis in regnum & potestatem nostram adduct & etiam ibidem exonerat seu vendit fuerint. Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarumcunque rerum & mercandisaram huiusmodi emptarum in regno & potestate nostris prdictis vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas. Et super valore & estimatione rerum & mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut prdicitur sunt soluendi, credatur eis per literas, quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt: Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte prdictorum mercatorum, si prsentes fuerint, vel valetorum suorum in eorandem mercatorum absentia, iuramentis.

11. Liceat insuper socijs de societate prdictorum mercatorum infra regnum & potestatem nostram prdictas, lanas vendere alijs suis socijs, & similiter emere ab ijsdem absque custuma soluenda. Ita tamen quod dict latt ad tales manus non deueniant, qud de custuma nobis debita defraudemur. Et prterea est sciendum, qud postquam supradicti mercatores semel in vno loco infra regnum & potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam superius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta, & suum habeant inde warantum, siue huiusmodi mercandis infra regnum & potestatem nostram remaneant, siue exterius deferantur, (exceptis vinis, qu de regno & potestate, nostris prdictis sine volnntate & licentia nostra sicut prdictum est nullatenus educantur:) Volumus, ac pro nobis, ac hredibus nostris concedimus, qud nulla exactio, prisa, vel prstatio, aut aliquod onus super personas mercatorum prdictorum, mercandisas seu bona eorundem altquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius & concessam. His testibus veracibus principalibus, Roberto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angli primate, Waltero Couentri & Lichfildi episcopo, Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense, Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense, & Essexi & Constabulo magno Angli, Adomaro de Valentia, Galfrido de Gaymal, Hugone de Lespensor,[Footnote: Sic.] Waltero de Bello campo, senescallo hospitij nostri, Roberto de Burijs, & alijs. Datum per manum nostram apud Windesore, primo die Februarij, anno regni nostri xxxj.

The aforesaid generall Charter in English.

Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of Aquitaine, to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earles, Barons, Iustices, Vicounts, gouernours, officers, and all bayliffes, and his faithfull people sendeth greeting. Wee haue speciall care for the good estate of all marchants of the kingdomes, lands, and countries following: to wit of Almaine, France, Spaine, Portugal, Nauarre, Lombardie, Florence, Prouence, Catalonia, of our duchie of Aquitaine, Tholosa, Caturlune, [Footnote: Catalonia] Flanders, Brabant, and of all other forreine countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called, which come into our kingdome of England, and there remayne, that the sayd marchants may liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come. Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our seruice and the seruice of our kingdome, wee fauourably agreeing to their petitions, for the fuller assuring of their estate, haue thought good to graunt to the sayd merchants for vs and our heires for euer these priuiledges vnder written, ordaining in forme as followeth.

1. First, that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come into our kingdome of England, and any where else into our dominion with their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and protection without paying wharfage, pontage, or pannage. And that in Cities, Boroughs, and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by the great [Footnote: Wholesale.] as well with the naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion, as with forreiners, straungers, or priuate persons. Yet so that marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares, and spices, may be sold by the small, [Footnote: Retail.] as heretofore hath bin accustomed. [Sidenote: An exception for traficking with the known enemies of the kingdome.] And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be caried whither they will, aswell within our realme or dominion, as out of the same; sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of our kingdome, those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and dominion paying such customes as they ought to doe: except onely wines, which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence, after they be once brought into our realme and dominion.

2. Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleasure lodge & remaine with their goods in the cities, boroughs, and townes aforesaid, with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings.

3. Item that euery bargaine made by the said marchants with any maner of persons, of what places soeuer they be for any kind of marchadise whatsoeuer, shalbe firme & stable so that none of both the marchants shall shrinke or giue backe from that bargaine, after that the earnest penie be once giuen and taken betweene the principall bargayners. And if peraduenture any strife arise about the same bargaine, the triall and inquirie thereof shall be made according to the vses and customes of the fayres and townes where it chanced that the said bargaine was made and contracted.

4. Item, we promise the aforesaid marchants granting for euer for vs and our heires, that from hence foorth we will not in any wise make nor cause to be made any stay or arrest, or any delay by reason of arrest of their wares, marchandises or other goods, by our selues, or by any other or others for any neede or accident against the will of the sayd marchants, without present payment of such a price as the marchants would haue sold those marchandises for to other men, or without making of them other satisfaction, so that they shall hold themselues well contented and that no price or valuation shalbe set vpon their wares, marchandises, & goods by vs or by any officer of ours.

5. Item, we will that all bayliffes and officers of fayres, cities, boroughs, and market townes shall doe speedie iustice from day to day without delay accgrdmg to the lawe of Marchants to the aforesayd marchants when they shall complaine before them, touching all and singuler causes, which may be determined by the same law. [Sidenote: Where is this law now become?] And if default be found in any of the bayliffes or officers aforesayd, whereby the sayd marchants or any of them haue sustained, or do sustaine any damage through delay, though the marchant recouer his losses against the partie principall, yet the bayliffe or other officer shall be punished to vs ward, according to the qualitie of the default. And wee doe grant this punishment in fauour of the aforesayd marchants in regard of the hastening of their iustice.

6. Item, that in al maner of pleas, sauing in case where punishment of death is to be inflicted, where a marchant is vnpleaded, or sueth another, of what condition soeuer hee bee which is sued, whether stranger or home borne, in fayres, cities, or boroughs, where sufficient numbers of marchants of the foresayd countreis are, and where the triall ought to bee made, let the one halfe of the Iurie be of the sayd marchants, and the other halfe of good and lawfull men of the place wheie the suite shall fall out to bee: and if sufficient number of marchants of the sayd countries cannot bee found, those which shall be found fit in that place shall be put vpon the Iurie, and the rest shall be chosen of good and fit men of the places where such suit shall chance to be.

7. Item we will, we ordaine, and wee appoint, that in euery market towne and fayre of our realme aforesayd and elsewhere within our dominion our weight shall bee set in some certaine place, and that before the weighing the balance shall bee seene emptie in the presence of the buyer and of the seller, and that the skales bee equall: and that afterward the weigher weigh in the equall balance. And when hee hath set the balances euen, let him straightway remooue his hands, so that the balance may remayne euen: And that throughout all our kingdome and dominion there be one weight and one measure, and that they be marked with the marke of our standard. And that euery man may haue a weight of one quarter of an hundred, and vnder, where the same hath not bin contrary to the liberty of the lord of the place, and contrary to the libertie granted by vs and our predecessors, or contrary to the custome of townes and fayres which hath hitherto beene obserued.

8. Item we will and we grant that some certaine faythfull and discreete man resident in London be appointed to doe Iustice to the aforesayd marchants, before whome they may haue their sutes decided, and may speedilie recouer their debts, if the Shiriffes and Maior should not from day to day giue them speedy iustice. And hereof let a Commission be made: which we grant vnto the aforesaid marchants besides this present Charter: to wit of such things as betweene marchant and marchant are to be decided according to the lawe of marchants.

9. Item we ordayne and appoynt, and wee will that this ordinance and statute shall firmely bee obserued for euer for vs and our heires, that the aforesayd marchants shal not loose the aforesayd liberties nor any of them, for any libertie whatsoeuer, which wee or our heires hereafter shall grant. And for the obtayning of the aforesayd liberties and free customes, and for remission of our arresting of their goods the aforesayd marchants all and euery of them for themsetues and all other of their parties with one accorde and one consent hane granted vnto vs, that of euery tunne of wine, which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our realme and dominion, for which they shall bee bound to pay freight vnto the mariners, besides the olde customes which are due and were woont to bee payd vnto vs, they will pay vnto vs and to our heires in the name of a custome two shillings in money, either out of hande, or else within fortie dayes after the sayd wines shall bee brought on land out of the shippes. Item for euery sacke of wooll, which the sayd marchants or others in their name shall buy and carie out of the realme, or cause to bee brought and caried out, they will pay forty pence aboue the old custome of halfe a marke, which was payed heretofore: And for a last of hides to bee caryed out of our realme and dominion halfe a marke aboue that which heretofore was payed by the olde custome. And likewise for three hundreth Felles with the wooll on them to bee transported out of our realme and dominion fortie pence, aboue that certaine rate which before was payed by the olde custome: Also two shillings vpon euery scarlate and euery cloth died in graine. Item eighteene pence for euery cloth wherein any kind of graine is mingled. Item twelue pence vpon euery cloth dyed without graine. Item twelue pence vpon euerie quintall of copper.

And whereas sundrie of the aforesayd marchants are woont to exercise other marchandises, as of Hauer de pois, and other fine wares, as sarcenets, lawnes, cindalles, and silke, and diuers other marchandlses, and to sell horses and other beastes, corne, and sundrie other things and marchandlses, which cannot easily bee reduced vnto a certaine custome: the sayd marchants haue granted to giue vnto vs, and to our heires of euery pound of siluer of the estemation and value of these kinde of goods and marchandises, by what name soeuer they be called, three pence in the pound in the bringing in of these goods into our realme and dominion aforesaid, within twentie dayes after these goods and marchandlses shall be brought into our realme and dominion, and shall be there vnladen and solde. And likewise three pence vpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd aboue the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors. And touching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises, whereof three pence of euery pound of siluer, as is aforesayd, is to be payd, credite shalbe giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to shewe from their masters or parteners. And if they haue no letters in this behalfe, we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee present, or in their absence to the othes of their seruants.

Moreouer, it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd, to sell woolles to other of their company, and likewise to buy of them without paying of custome. Yet so, that the said wools come not to such hands, that wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be vnderstood, that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one place within our realme and dominion, the custome aboue granted vnto vs in forme aforesayd for their marchandises, & haue their warrant therof, whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out (excepting wines, which in no wise shalbe caried forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd without our fauour & licence as is aforesayd) we wil and we grant for vs and our heires, that no execution, attachment or loane, or any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants, vpon their marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme before mentioned and granted. The faithfull & principall witnesses of these presents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, Walter bishop of Couetrey and Lichfield, Henry Lacie of Lincolne, Humfrey de Bohume, Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England, Adomare of Valentia, Geofrey of Gaymal, Hugh Spenser, Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our house, Robert of Bures, and others. Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore the first day of February, in the yere of our reigne xxxi.

* * * * *

De mercatoribus Angli in Norwegia arestatis, & eorum mercimonijs de arrestandis liter Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui, Haquino regi Norwegi.

Magnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegi illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia rex Angli, Dom. Hiberni, & dux Aquitani salutem cum dilectione sincera. Miramur non modicum & in intimis conturbamur de grauaminibus & oppressionibus qu subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venientibus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili, sicut ex graui querela didicimus, inferuntur. Nuper siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete, Simon filius Alani de eadem, Guido filius Mathei & eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt, quod cum ipsi quosdam homines & seruientes suos cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri, ad negotiandum ibidem transmisissent: [Sidenote: Villa de Tonnesbergh.] & naues ill in portu vill vestr de Tonnesbergh halece & alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam summam onerat fuissent Et licet nautis nauium prdictarum hominibusque & sermentibus prdictis regno vestro liber cum nauibus & bonis prdictis ad partes Angli redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de conductu, postmodm tamen antequam naues ill propter venti contrarietatem portum prdictum exire potuerunt, quidam balliui vestri naues prdictas cum hominibus & bonis omnibus tunc existentibus in eisdem, occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores & piratas, dum naues prdict in portu supradicto sicut prmittitur remanserunt supra mare vt dicitur interfecti, de mandato vestro vt dicebant arrestarunt, & diu sub aresto huiusmodi detinebant, quousque videlicet homines & marinarij prdicti de quadraginta libris sterlingorum certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibet naui prdictarum soluendis inuiti & coacti securitatem inuenissent: Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus prdictis infra portum prdictum citra festum natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptist proximo futuro ad standum tunc ibidem de personis & nauibus suis vestr grati seu voluntatis arbirio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent: quod ipsis valde graue censetur & auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur. Et quia contra rationem & quitatem, omnemque iustitiam fore dinoscitur, atque legem, qud delinquentium culp seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscij vel participes, seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt, aliqualiter vlciscantur, vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus & rogamus quatenus prmissa diligenti meditatione zelo iustiti ponderantes, obsides prdictos iubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari, dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus & resolui. Scientes pro certo, quod si malefactores prdicti, qui dictum militem vestrum vt dicitur, occiderunt, alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nostram poterunt inueniri, de ipsis iustitiam & iudicium secundum legem & consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus. Non enim possumus his diebus equanimiter tolerare quod naues prdict seu ali de regno nostro, qu semper prompt ad nostrum seruitium esse debent, extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali. Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in prmissis, nobis si placeat rescribatis per prsentium portatorem. Dat apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis.

The same in English.

The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway, concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway, and their goods to be freed from arrest.

To the mighty Prince, lord Haquinus, by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine, greeting and sincere loue. We maruell not a little, and are much disquieted in our cogitations, considering the greeuances and oppressions which (as wee haue beene informed by pitifull complaints) are at this present more than in times past without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects, which doe vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake. For of late one William the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete, and one Simon the sonne of Alan of the same towne, and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associates our marchants, in complayning wise declared vnto vs: [Sidenote: The towne of Tonesbergh.] that hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants, with three shippes into your dominions, there to exercise traffique, and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh, with Herrings and other commodities to a great value: and also the said mariners, men, and seruants of the foresayd shippes, being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them, freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd, but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes: certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia, committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea, whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd, did at yoar commandement (as they say) arrest, and for a long season also deteined vnder that arrest, the foresaid ships, with all the men and goods that were in them: namely vntill such time, as the men and mariners aforesaide (beeing driuen perforce, and constrained thereunto) should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling, vpon a certain day appointed, vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and: also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges, for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen, before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing, then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie, as touching the said persons, and those ships of theirs: which dealing, the parties themselues take very grieuously, yea, and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course. And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason, equitie, iustice, and lawe, that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons, or in their goods, as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime, nor haue had any society with the saide offenders: we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes, that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice, you would of your loue and friendship, command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie, and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited. And know you this for a certaintie, that if the foresaide malefactors, who (as it is reported) slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found, we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them, according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme. For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure, that the ships aforesaide, or any other ships of our kingdome (which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice) should without speciall licence, depart out of our saide kingdome, vnto forreine dominions. Nowe, what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses, may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April.

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