Gratiano And may not be alive.

Shylock These circumstances you should tell unto Lorenzo. 'Twas he took her upon himself For better or for worse. Fare you well. I have affairs that interest me more.

Gratiano Come, Lady Portia. 'Tis a waste of time. The Bible says that God did choose the Jews But says not what it was He chose them for. Our ancient friend hath made it clear to me That they were chosen by our gracious Lord To be a kind of warning and example Of what a misbeliever may become.

Portia Thou wilt not save thy daughter?

Shylock Lady fair, In this peculiar and imperfect world The virtues are divided into parts: For instance, mercy. Some do practice it, And some do merely preach. A third there are Whose only contribution is to be The text from which the second sermons preach; They neither preach nor practice. Such am I. Farewell.

Gratiano We but insult ourselves to stay. (Exit Portia and Gratiano. Shylock looks after them. Enter Antonio, sees Shylock, walks over to him and touches him with his stick. Shylock turns.)

Antonio Hebrew, have I found thee out at last? Once more thy promises are broken, eh?

Shylock Yes, yes. I pray you——

Antonio Pray me nothing more.

Shylock Signor Antonio, wait another day.

Antonio Another day. For what? Until you hide A bag of ducats or a jewel case? Your bonds are by a fortnight overdue And day by day your fortune dwindles down. If I should sell the roof above your head And all your land and chattels, they would bring Less than enough to pay me what you owe.

Shylock I prithee not so loud. But you alone Are cognizant of my disastrous state. My name is good. Perchance I may obtain A temporary loan to tide me through. But if my losses come to other ears Before my kinsmen and my ship arrive A bankrupt's ending stares me in the face. Wait, wait Antonio, surely he will come, My cousin Issachar who sailed away.

Antonio Thy cousin Issachar will come no more. He promised to return three weeks ago.

Shylock But think, remember, good Antonio, The vessel could not founder. 'Twas my best, Held in reserve, the last one of my fleet. Issachar swore he knew the very spot Where dusky natives mined the laughing gold And that if I would furnish men and ships The moiety of the cargo would be mine. Perhaps he is a little while delayed.

Antonio Perhaps another theory will fit. Perhaps your kinsman filled the ship with gold And then did point his helm another way. Perhaps in England now he lives at ease And deems the whole is better than a half. Consider, sir, your kinsman is a Jew.

Shylock He will not fail me, for he is my friend. Patience, good sir, patience a day or two. Deal with me kindly as so oft before You treated many an unfortunate.

Antonio Let's have no whining. See you pay my bills No later than to-day. Expect no further time. I have done more than doth in truth become A Christian to oblige a Jew withal. Think not to share the leniency I give To men of Venice of my faith and blood. This case is different.

Shylock But did thy Lord Not preach a creed of brotherhood and love And bid thee treat thy neighbor as thyself?

Antonio He meant our Christian neighbors who reside By right of law and ancient heritage Within the land, but not the tribe who do Usurp the places of their betters. No!

Shylock I am a Christian, made so by your Church. Your own priest said so and it must be true.

Antonio 'Twas but a form to bend thy haughty will. In heart and manner thou art still a Jew. They should be glad that they can here remain To practice sacrilege, and cheat, and fawn. I marvel we can be so tolerant.

Shylock The God who made this land and you and me Mocks at your selfish, mean, philosophy. When you or yours can build a mountain peak Or add a grain unto the universe Then talk of this fair ground as your domain. The earth is one and rests within His hand; The great and small His erring children are, But we who from Yisrael claim descent Are now the eldest of the family. The God of Justice never slumbereth. Jehovah is His name; His will be done.

Antonio Mumble thy prayers if that affords relief, But if by sundown I am not repaid Another Moses must thou be and bring Another set of miracles from heaven Or lose the very coat from off thy back. By sundown—but a few short minutes hence. (Exit Antonio)

Shylock Finished—almost finished—almost done. I see the wave that soon above my hopes, My fears, my sorrows, and my broken heart, Will roll in cruel triumph. I'm content. A long and troubled record I shall leave Of struggles in the dark 'gainst many foes. I begged for light to see my duty clear To see the purpose of my suffering To see the end that my Creator served In heaping hills of torment on my head. The light has never come. But now ere long I must be called where all shall be made clear. Till then a few weeks more of faith in Him A few weeks more with an unfalt'ring tongue To praise His wisdom though its end be hid. A few weeks more to walk within His law.

(Starts to walk off. Enter Jessica in disordered dress and manner.)

Jessica Father!

Shylock Back! Away! Dare not to touch me.

Jessica A word, a single word and I will go.

Shylock (trying to wrest his arm from her grasp) Let be I say.

Jessica Nay, but I cannot leave. I know not how much time I have to live. I marvel that this body thin and frail Has so long stood th' innumerable shocks Which in my married life it hath endured. Death must be near, it stretcheth out its arms, And I in answer have extended mine.

Shylock Come not to me for money. Had I all The wealth of Sheba's mines I would not pay A mite to save thy fallen soul from hell. The potter's field may have thy rotten bones And owls and jackals pray for thy repose.

Jessica 'Tis not for gold I beg but for thy love. I threw it from me like an orange sucked And turned to grasp the shining fruit that he, Lorenzo, pictured to mine eyes. Ah me, How bitter, hard and worthless to the taste Hath been that substitute. The marriage moon Had scarce grown full before my body bore The marks of coward blows.

Shylock Ha! Ha! That's well.

Jessica I have not known a single kindly word, I scarce have heard him call me by my name Since less than four weeks after we were wed.

Shylock (gloatingly rubbing his hands) Hm!

Jessica Oh father, why was I not told before That we and all our people are accurst; That those to whom we give our love and trust Curse us and loathe us with a dreadful hate, A hate that neither reason can assuage Nor conduct make amends for. Awful fate, That makes the very children of the street With circle eyes point at us in contempt, And people who have never heard our names Thirst for our blood and menace us with death!

Shylock So thou didst think a priestly comedy Could make Lorenzo love his Jewish wife?

Jessica I could have died for him. For him I fled And stole your wealth and helped your enemies. Why could he not have been a little kind?

Shylock (chuckling) Come tell me how he beat you. Tell me that.

Jessica Have pity, father.

Shylock Tell me how he swore.

Jessica Oh, torture me no further. Take me back. Love me not now, but let me win your love A little at a time. No day shall pass But in it I shall do some tiny act That will in time make up a wealth of deeds, And if we both are living long enough The balance will be as it was before.

Shylock Thy pleadings are but wasted, Jessica, Thou canst not gain the end that thou dost seek. For even if I have the foolish will (And I assure thee that I have it not) To bring thee back to all the luxury, The silken clothes, the soft and perfumed beds, The shining jewels of thy girlhood days, I could not. I am almost penniless.

Jessica Poor, and alone, and old! Nay, father dear, Thou couldst not drive me from thee after this Hadst thou the strength of ten. Let us go forth And find a little corner of the earth Where I may work and you may live at peace.

Shylock I need no aid. I want no help from thee.

Jessica Then give me thine. I starve for sympathy. I shall go mad. I saw my baby die And all around me were my husband's friends Who spoke in terms of polished elegance. With formal platitudes and commonplace Regarding me as something curious, A vulgar, noisy creature, lacking taste And proper self-control. While on its bier Lay all the joy that life in promise held. Dead, and my heart within it. (Weeps) (Shylock turns to go, looks back after a step or two, and returns)

Shylock I did not know the little one was dead. Was it a pretty child?

Jessica A pretty child! A cherub could not be more beautiful. Blue eyes and golden hair. A tiny mouth A dimple in her chin. (Shylock puts his arm around Jessica)

Shylock Thy mother's face belike. So did she look. And how old when it—died?

Jessica A year, a year.

(Enter Antonio and Gratiano. Antonio touches Shylock on the shoulder)

Antonio Well, let us have an end. The time is up. I now demand the payment of my bonds.

Shylock I have not moved since last you spoke to me.

Antonio All's one for that. You had no move to make. Your whole estate is in the bailiff's hands And you yourself may come along with me.

Shylock Where would you take me?

Antonio Why, before the Duke.

Shylock What need of trials? Freely I confess The debts I owe you. Take what you can find. Take ev'ry rag and counter. Take them all. Myself and Jessica must go away.

Antonio Not quite so fast. The law expressly states That I may put you in the debtor's gaol And so I mean to do.

Shylock But good Signor—

Antonio No protest will avail. I know you Jews. You hang together in calamity And help each other while the Christians starve. Let them redeem you and repay my loss.

Shylock Good sir, my kin are very far away And poor as I.

Antonio 'Twill do no good to lie. Write letters. I will see them promptly sent.

Shylock I swear to you Antonio—

Gratiano Wait a while. First tell us if the oath thou art to make Is sworn as Christian or in Hebrew style; Though truly which to give the preference Is matter to discuss. A Jewish oath Thou canst not take for thou hast been baptised, And sooth to say I have a sort of doubt About thy reverence for Christian forms.

Shylock By that great Power who can humble both Hebrew and Christian, I do swear to you That not in all this universe's span Have I a claim on friends or relatives As large as this. Much more have I the right To claim assistance from Antonio Who though he found me keen for my revenge And steadfast in assertion of my rights Can bring no accusation on my head Of underhanded trickery or crime.

Gratiano Because we watch you pretty carefully.

Shylock What say you, sir? You will not keep us here?

Antonio I warned thee once cajoling will not serve. Write out the letters. That's the only way. I'll see that while you tarry in the gaol Your comfort shall not be too much disturbed. Your food shall be according to your wish And other things in reason you may have.

Jessica Good sir, I think you know me, do you not?

Antonio Why, are you not my friend Lorenzo's wife?

Jessica I am the Jessica who married him, But not his wife if wifehood is a state That presupposes more than legal rights. I and Lorenzo are as strangers now And less than strangers, less than enemies.

Antonio I grieve to hear it.

Jessica I would have your grief Not for myself but for my father here. He speaks the truth. He has no more to give.

Antonio Then let him call upon his wealthy friends, The other Jews will trust him if he asks.

Jessica You heard him say he knows not where to sue.

Antonio O, that was but the cunning of his race.

Jessica Unfeeling man! If his deserts are dumb What of your obligation due to me? The Court's decree as you no doubt recall Was that the half of his estate should go To you to hold in trust for me and mine. I charge you now upon your Christian faith To give my father all the residue That will be mine when he shall pass away Or take it for yourself and let him go.

Antonio Three obstacles prevent your sacrifice. The first is that though my intent was fair By bad investments more than half the fund Has disappeared, and all that doth remain Would not suffice to satisfy the bonds. The second, that the sum is payable Upon your father's death, which is not yet. But third and most of all the money goes To you and to your husband, not to you. The gift is joint and neither can alone Claim all himself or any several part. Indeed, I own it frankly, my desire In asking that the Duke should so decree Was not to benefit Lorenzo's wife, A Jewess, who was never aught to me, But solely to befriend Lorenzo's self My coreligionist and distant kin. To give you anything of Shylock's gold Without Lorenzo's will would be a wrong, A breach of trust, a patent injury. And if your separation from his love, As shrewdly I suspect, be fault of yours And growing from thy Jewish wilfulness, It would be most unfaithful and untrue That I should thus reward inconstancy. You see, in honor and before the law I must refuse to do as you request.

Jessica I see that Jesus died in vain for you. His Jewish heart, with pity for the low And meek and humble broke upon the cross And for a time the magic of his words Restrained the beast in Gentile followers, But soon the kindly Stoic lost his sway And cruel bigots in his Jewish name, By his offenceless, mild authority Took fire and sword and hatred for their flag.

Antonio My girl, there is a law 'gainst blasphemy.

Gratiano Why stand we here and listen to her spleen? Away with Shylock. Take him to the gaol.

Antonio Come on.

Jessica No! No!

Shylock Resist no more, my child.

Jessica Oh, father, we may never meet again; Your age and suffering cannot endure The shock of this disgrace.

Shylock 'Tis better so. I pray for death. It cannot come too soon. Farewell.

Jessica Farewell. (Throws her arms around him) Yet not a long farewell, I shall not far survive. It is no sin To end a life of misery and shame.

Isaac (behind scenes) Where is my master? Where has Shylock gone? (Enter Isaac.)

Gratiano Here fellow, here he is. With Jessica He poses like a model for the arts.

Isaac Great news and wonderful. His ship is here And laden full of gold. The mine is found And Issachar and he are princely rich. This cargo is the greatest that has come To Venice since the city first began.

Antonio I do rejoice to hear it. Truly Jew I have no wish to do thy body harm But thou and thy relations are well known To be so deep in craft and villainy That to recover what is justly due We Christians must resort to rigid means. Go freely with thy daughter. Later on When ev'rything's in order I'll return And you may pay me what the balance is.

(Exit Antonio and Gratiano, followed by Isaac. Shylock still stands expressionless with Jessica's arms around him.)



Jewish Students in European Universities

BY HARRY WOLFSON

(Concluded)

Judaism and Jewish Students in France

The decadence of native Judaism in France has become proverbial. The original French Jews never amounted to much; and the Alsatian immigrants, while still supplying rabbis for the pulpits, have of late begun to disappear from the pews. You may state it is an axiom that the synagogue will have to go a-begging for a quorum wherever church-going is unpopular. But French Judaism has recently been gaining reinforcement by the influx of newcomers from Eastern Europe. Paris might be considered next to London the greatest centre of Jewish immigration in Europe. In fact, Paris as well as some large cities in the Low Countries, and to some extent even London, have since the beginning of the Jewish movement towards the United States, become the refuge of a considerable number who straggled behind the migratory columns and were unable to reach their final destination. Free from any official molestations and rather welcomed by the native Jews, the foreign Jewish community in Paris has flourished in its own way. It numbers by this time about twenty-five thousand souls, a large proportion of whom were born and brought up in the French capital.

It is these young French Jews of immigrant parentage, students and professional men, who organized themselves, about two years ago, in an "Association des Jeunes Juifs," known by its initials as A. J. J. The aim of that organization, which is non-partisan in Jewish affairs, is both cultural and practical. It publishes a monthly by the name of "Les Pionniers," and occasionally holds debates and lectures on various Jewish topics. It also carries on a program of social work among the immigrant Jews. I might perhaps give a clearer idea of the object of the A. J. J. by reproducing their following declaration: "Notre But.—Nous voulons nous affirmer 'Juifs' sans forfanterie, mais avec fermete; cultiver, developper parmis nous, faire connaitre au dehors, l'ame juive; nous eduquer mutuellement; demander, par les voies legales, le respect, la justice pour tous,—fussent-ils juifs; aider nos freres emigres a l'aquerir la qualite de citoyen; inculquer a nos membres les principes de solidarite et de mutualite." In the summer of 1913, Dr. Nahum Slouszch of the Sorbonne submitted to the society a scheme for more extensive activities, both Jewish and patriotic in their scope, namely, the participation in educational and social work among the indigenous Jews of the French possessions in Africa.

The Jew of the Roman Ghetto

It is a pity that so little is known to us about the life of the Jewish masses in Italy. The fame of the Nathans and Luzzattis has led us to believe that in Italy Jews form the class of society from which mayors and statesmen are recruited. But in Italy the majority of Jews still live in social and economic conditions not far advanced above those of their ancestors in centuries past. Italy is the only country in Europe outside those in the Eastern part where the so-called ghettoes are populated by native Jews. Their political emancipation has not raised them from the bottom of the social structure over the heads of their Gentile neighbors. Nowhere is the average Jew so much like the non-Jew in appearance, language, manners, and vocation than the inhabitant of the Roman Ghetto on the bank of the Tiber. He is engaged there in the petty trades of selling his olives, peaches, and figs, and hires out as a journeyman in and outside his country. He hawks with "cartiloni" and "ricordi di Roma" in front of the cafe terraces, and his street waifs accost the foreigners for a "soldi." Even at the door of his old-clothes shop you can hardly recognize in him the Jew. It is this, more than the paucity of the number of Jews in Italy, that explains the absence of anti-Jewish feeling there. For the name Sacerdote by which Italian Cohens call themselves does not suggest affluence, and the cognomen Levi does not necessarily designate one's business.

In his religious life the Jew of the Roman Ghetto resembles the Lithuanian rather than the Western European. His religious activity, to be sure, is restricted to the prayer services of the Temple, but his Temple is more like a Beth Midrash than a symphony hall and lyceum. Living within a Catholic environment, his religion has been preserved as something positive, tangible, and powerful; and if it is no longer an inspiring influence within him, it exists at least as a reality outside of him. The religious institutions and instrumentalities are looked upon by him as something hallowed and consecrate. The synagogue is spoken of as the "sacro tempio" and the rabbi, referred to by the Hebrew words "Morenu Harav," is looked up to in matters religious as if he were the incumbent of the throne of Moses. The place of worship is opened three times a day for the traditional number of the daily public prayers, and young men as well as old, unwashed and in their working garments, repair there directly from their work to hear the "sacra messa," as the services are sometimes termed by them. Most of the younger Jews are unable to read the Hebrew prayers, some read without understanding them; but they all know a few selected prayers by heart which they recite aloud with many interesting gesticulations and genuflections, while in the pulpit the Chasan reads the services from a prayer-book printed in Livorno, chanting them in a monotonous sing-song not unlike what one often hears in the chapels of St. Peter.

Societies of Jewish Youth in Italy

Racial consciousness is strong among these Jews of the Roman Ghetto. They are to themselves, in common parlance, "Ibrim" or "Yahudim," which they utter not without pride, and the Gentile is looked down upon as a mere "goi," while the passing priest is pointed out as a "komer." If you ever happen to be in Rome, I should advise you take one afternoon off, and ordering a "cafe noro" at some cafe house on the Piazza Venezia, sit down quietly at a table on the terrace and try to look Jewish. You will soon be assailed by a number of postal-card venders coming one after another, until one importunate youth, discovering your identity, will of a sudden change his attitude, and, his obsequiousness gone, will enter with you into an intimate conversation. He will tell you his name, his pedigree, and of the "tempio," and of the street where many Jews live. He will no longer entreat you to buy his goods; and if you do so, he will mumble out his "grazie" rather perfunctorily. For are not all Israel of the same descent?—and if they are not all princes, at least none of them is better than a postal-card vender in Rome.

It is therefore not surprising that among the native Italian Jews there should arise on the part of the young educated elements a desire to convert that latent Jewish sentiment into some form of practical and useful activity. A society of Jewish youth in Italy has already existed for about three years during which time two conventions were held. A number of commendable resolutions were passed about the improvement of Jewish education among the Italian Jews and especially the advancement of the study of the Hebrew language among them. Zionism was warmly endorsed, though the society as a whole did not commit itself officially to the cause. Like the A. J. J. of Paris, the Italian organization also purports to act as intermediaries between the Italian government and the native Jewish population of Tripoli. In Rome there is a local organization of Jewish students, devoted to the study of Hebrew literature, and is rather of cosmopolitan complexion, being composed of Italian, Greek, German, and Russian Jews. The moving spirit of that circle was a brilliant Russian Jew, who had graduated in law from the University of Rome.

Conclusion: The Growing National Spirit Among Jewish Students

A close observation of European Jewish students, both as individuals and as groups, leads one to the realization of a growing consciousness among them of national unity, and of an increasing belief on their part of the imperishability of the Jews as a race. That morbid feeling of national decay and the imminent disappearance of the race, which had preyed upon the minds of Jewish men in the past generation, and which is reflected in the literature of that time, has been everywhere displaced by one of confidence and hope. Desertion from Judaism, to be sure, may sporadically make its appearance here and there as a convenient escape from material disadvantages; indifference towards it may likewise in some quarters still survive as a relic of the past,—but these are rather unusual and isolated phenomena, emphasizing all the more the universal fidelity and attachment to all things Jewish.

The enthusiasm for Judaism, everywhere in a process of growth, manifests itself in its early stages in study and self-cultivation; it assumes a more concrete form, in its later stages, of some communal or social activity; and if that development keeps on uninterruptedly it finally consummates in Zionism. This development, it must be admitted, is not a spontaneous and self-directive movement. In no small measure, it is everywhere stimulated by the growing tendency on the part of non-Jews in almost every country to appraise the Jew according to his racial origin, an appraisal which results in a feeling not necessarily hostile, but in most cases neutral and sometimes even favoring the racial and cultural peculiarity, indestructible and impermiscible, of the Jewish element. It is this external stimulus, rather than any internal impulse, that is responsible for the unfolding of the national spirit among Jewish students and the assertion of their selfhood.

None the less, their self-assertion has nowhere reached the extreme of spiritual alienation from their environment. There is nothing more remarkable in the character of Jewish youth of the present day, even among those who were born and raised in East European ghettos, than the spiritual and intellectual snugness in which they find themselves, in what should have been expected to remain to them a foreign environment. The residual estrangement of the Jewish soul from everything that is non-Jewish, which our forefathers in the past had figuratively designated with what Jewish mysticism called the "Captivity of the Shekinah," has totally disappeared. The individual Jew of to-day, while sharing in the sublimated consciousness of the race as a whole, does not in any conscious or subliminal way feel himself to be personally identified with it; whence the hesitation on the part of the majority of Jewish students to participate actively in Zionism even though they would all admit it to be the logical sequel of Jewish history.

For Zionism to them can never become a personal ideal, something requisite for the salvation of their souls. It can at its best appeal to them, in so far as they are consciously Jewish, as the cause of the nation as a whole; and consequently the mere suspicion that their affiliation with the movement might be held up against them as an impugnment of their loyalty to the land of their birth and abode is sufficient to keep them aloof from it. It was very interesting for me to notice how everywhere, after a long manoeuvre of Zionist discussions with good Jewish young men, they would finally halt at their unshakable position that Zionists might arouse the suspicion of their Gentile neighbors as to the loyalty and patriotism of the Jews. Where people are obsessed by the fear of being misunderstood in doing what they otherwise think to be good and impeccable, no arguments, of course, can avail. They are in this respect characteristically Jewish. In their Brand-like racial frame of mind, the Jews could never stop midway between the two antipodes of roving world-citizenry and hidebound mono-patriotism. It is probable that their attitude will change as soon as it is generally realized that personal devotion and loyalty to two causes are not psychologically a self-deception, and that the serving of two masters is not a moral anomaly unless, as in the original adage, one of the masters be Satanic.



Extract from a letter received from William Chadwick, President of the Hebrew Congregation and the Adler Society, Oxford University, England, commenting on the section devoted to England in Mr. Wolfson's article in our January number: "The remarks of Mr. Wolfson, whom we remember very well, concerning Oxford, were very apt for the time; but in Oxford, one particular type of Judaism never remains for long; Judaism here is in a state of perpetual flux, and to seize upon any one moment and represent that view as a type of Oxford's Judaism is very erroneous. I am sure that if Mr. Wolfson were here now, he would not recognize the services or the attitude now prevalent. I doubt if he would now hear Liberal Judaism apostrophised 'as the safeguard of modern Jews from the attractiveness of the superior teachings of Christ.'"



Zionism: A Menorah Prize Essay

BY MARVIN M. LOWENTHAL



At the head of an alley-way hard by the Place of the Temple, the Haram-esh-Sherif, in Jerusalem, a long wall built in rough-hewn courses lifts itself above the squalor of the Moghrebin quarter to an eastern sky from which a sun that seldom sleeps bakes the grey stones, bares every detail of a crumbling ruin, and intensifies the wistful odor of decay. This, the remnant of Solomon's glory, is the Wailing Wall of the Jews. Clad in sackcloth and covered with ashes, patriarchal figures sway to and fro, press their lips to the hot granite, beat now their chests and now the wall, and today, as every day for eighteen hundreds of years, wail in the words of the Psalmist:

"Oh God, the heathen are come into Thine inheritance; Thy holy Temple have they defiled; They have laid Jerusalem in heaps."[1]

This picture reveals the typical and traditional attitude of the Jew toward the land of his forefathers. Taught as children in the Cheder to turn their thoughts and desires toward Palestine; devoting themselves as men to the study of the Law and the Prophets and to the building upon this study of the vast Talmudic structure, until a spiritual Land of the Book may be said to have been created wherein they continually dwelt; crystallizing and adopting the Restoration as a dogma of the faith; commemorating with solemn fasts the Ninth of Ab as the anniversary of the destruction of the Temple by Titus; and repeating at each Passover with the pitiful hope of a child, "Next year in Jerusalem," the Jews have bound the memory of Palestine as a sign upon their hands and as frontlets between their eyes. They have indeed written it upon the door-posts of their houses and upon their gates, to the end—that they have wept and prayed. The vision of the prophets, which created and sustained this passionate ideal, itself inhibited the realization by emphasizing the redemption as miraculous, as a consummation to come in its own time without man's effort, and indeed in spite of man's will. And so, except for the sporadic and meteoric fiascos of mock-Messiahs, the Jews—this most practical of people—continued in hope and prayer to watch the centuries creep by. Frequently the hope flowered into the songs of a Judah Halevi or Ibn Gabirol, songs as sweet as have blossomed in the medieval garden; and the prayer found expression in a poignancy attributable only to the racial genius which created the Psalms; but until the nineteenth century the dream preserved all the qualities of a dream.

A Crusade for A Birthright

On August 29, 1897, a congress convened in Basel, Switzerland, comparable in Jewry to the Council of Clermont; for in this congress two hundred and four Jews, acting as delegates of their people from half the countries in the world, assembled at the call of Theodor Herzl to go crusading for the recovery of Palestine. This difference, among others, may be apparent—the Christians sought the recovery of a grave; the Jews, of a cradle. Palestine was to be a cradle in two senses; this Congress, the first body representative of all Jewry to be convened in the Diaspora, claimed the land of Israel not by virtue of a death, but as a birthright, and furthermore hoped to find its recovery the opportunity for the rejuvenation of a people.

Quoting from his book, "The Jewish State"[2]—a book journalistic in style, but trumpet-toned in the note it sounded for political Zionism—Theodor Herzl offered the following definition of Zionism after the first Zionist Congress (1897): "Zionism has for its object the creation of a home, secured by public rights, for those Jews who either cannot or will not be assimilated in the country of their adoption."[3] Zionism, in a word, is not the last truism in a weary debate, nor a new verse to an old song; it is, on the contrary, a definite answer to a perplexing and imperative question. What are these Jews who cannot or will not be assimilated, and why cannot or will not they be assimilated? This question constitutes what is known as the Jewish problem, or, for those who deny or dislike the term, the Jewish position; and this question must first be fully stated before the Zionist or any other answer can be intelligible.

The Isolation of Medieval Jewry

The Jews in the Middle Ages were considered by themselves, their few friends, and their many enemies, as a twice separated nation—a people separated from those among whom they dwelt and separated from the land in which they originated. They were governed by their own law—the Lex Judaeorum—which was recognized by the authorities of the land in which they lived as peculiar and proper to them;[4] they dwelt in communal groups which were bound together by common interests; they observed their own customs and nourished their own culture; they were held to be foreigners, and in a comparison of their own with the Christian civilization, they readily acknowledged this status. The force of persecution without and the religious conviction of superiority, separateness, and nationality within, preserved and constantly increased this solidarity.[5]

That the existence of a separate, recalcitrant, and even obnoxious nation within a nation did not constitute a problem for the medievals may be attributable to two reasons: (1) the medieval theory of life accentuated a hierarchical order of existence—a theory that found expression in feudalism, in Church organization, and in guild and craft life; in pursuance of this theory, the Jews were accorded a recognized and distinct status; (2) furthermore, the Jews were an economic necessity in the times when a ban was laid on money-lending, and they constituted an important economic facility at a little later period when capital could indeed be worked but when rivalry and hatreds rendered communication uncertain.[6] To the maintenance of Jewish solidarity and the preservation of things Jewish qua Jewish, sacrifices culminating in the surrender of life bequeathed to the race a comprehensive martyrology.[7]

Ernest Renan defines a nation as "a great solidarity constituted by the sentiment of the sacrifices that its citizens have made and those they feel prepared to make once more. It implies a past, but is summed up in the present by a tangible fact—the clearly expressed desire to live a common life." In sum, the Jews throughout the Middle Ages, which was prolonged for them until a little less than two hundred years ago, comprised a nation as virtual in point of their own claim and its recognition by other nations as in the days when they were established in Palestine. Renaissance, Reformation, and the rediscovery of the world by science failed to make an impression on the thick ghetto walls; and Jewish isolation, even as late as the eighteenth century, may be vividly realized by thinking of Rousseau and Voltaire in contrast with the contemporary lights of Jewry—Elijah Gaon and Israel Besht,[8] men as medieval as a gargoyle.

The French Revolution with its early philosophy of naturalism and humanism and its later political expression in liberty, equality, and fraternity, razed the physical and spiritual walls of the ghetto and set up the "Jewish problem." Following the Revolution, four currents of thought and action, working both simultaneously and successively, causing, reacting upon, and intermingling with one another, affecting the Jews now favorably and now unfavorably, went into the making of this problem. To deal with Emancipation, Enlightenment, Nationalism, and Anti-Semitism in detail would consume a volume, but an outline of their bearing on the present situation is essential.

Emancipation and Enlightenment

Emancipation may be defined as the removal of the civil disabilities from the Jews, following the acceptance of liberal principles by the European governments. The process was a gradual one. In 1791 the French Assembly passed the vote for the complete emancipation of the Jews, which procedure was ratified and firmly established by the Napoleonic regime. Belgium (1830), England (1846), Sweden (1848), Denmark and Greece (1849), Prussia (1850), Austria (1867), Spain (1868), Italy (1870), and Switzerland (1874) followed the lead of France. The Balkan States in the treaty of Berlin (1878), upon pressure from Disraeli, agreed to the emancipation of the Jews as one of the conditions for securing their own freedom; Roumania has been notoriously delinquent, however, in adhering to the terms nominated in the bond.[9] The removal of civil disabilities brought the Jew into a wide contact with the Christian. This resulted for the Jews in liberalization of outlook and liberation of capacities and talents, in an abandonment of the "jargon" for the national tongues, in a precipitation into the Haskalah movement (to be described in the next paragraph), and in a restatement of their leading religious doctrines, which amounted to a surrender in theory of their nationality and their destiny as a Chosen People to be restored to Palestine. For the Christians the removal of Jewish disabilities resulted in the necessity of either accepting or rejecting the Jew's claim to be an equal and a fellow-countryman.

The Enlightenment, or Haskalah movement, broadly speaking, comprises the Jewish absorption of secular learning, particularly in literature and science, the abandonment of the study of the Talmud for modern subjects, and the adoption of farm and craft life.[10] Moses Mendelssohn in Germany and Lilienthal in Russia were the first great protagonists of these radical departures; and the movement, which in part led to the demand for Emancipation and in part resulted from it, further removed the differences between Jew and non-Jew, at least from the standpoint of the former, and further removed him from his religious and historical past, perceptibly weakening and in many cases practically destroying the medieval sense of solidarity. Each Jew adopted the culture of his native country, and so one Jew became virtually a foreigner to another. Haskalah, in a word, is a looking outward on the part of the Jew; for all its virtues this movement had the consequence of blunting racial consciousness and blurring racial identity.

Nationalism and Anti-Semitism

All might have been well but for the presence of a third and conflicting element. While the Jew became infected with the universalism of the Revolutionary spirit, the majority of Europeans were absorbing and developing the particularistic implications of '89. Nationalism is the self-consciousness of a people, and it found its European expression in the creation of the modern States of Germany, Italy, Hungary, Greece, and the small Balkans. It is a race's recognition of itself, a looking inward, and it leads to the pursuit of racial ideals and development of racial qualities—an inward expansion which, indifferent to the charge of chauvinism, can only be secured by an outward discrimination. The Jew and the Christian had changed places since medieval times: the Jew now stood for a universal society and a universal church, and the Christian for exclusion and separation upon racial bases. Emancipation thus brought the conflict directly to the attention of the strong majority, namely, the Christians, and anti-Semitism was their answer.

In its restricted sense, anti-Semitism is a scientific stick used to beat the Jewish dog with. After impartial, impersonal scientific investigation, French and German scholars[11] demonstrated the racial inferiority of the Semite to the Aryan, enumerated the inherent Semitic qualities as greed, special aptitude for money-making, aversion to hard work, clannishness, obstrusiveness, lack of social tact and of patriotism, the tendency to exploit and not to be overly honest. Ernest Renan adequately sums up the anti-Semite position when he claims for the Aryans all the great military, political, and intellectual movements of history.[12] The Semites never had a comprehension of civilization in the sense in which the Aryan understands the word; they were at no time public-spirited.[13] In fact, intolerance was the natural consequence of Semitic monotheism.[14]

In the wider sense,[15] anti-Semitism is the modern word for the old and apparently ineradicable hatred of the Jew, partly dependent, as G. F. Abbott well shows,[16] not only upon Christian faith, but upon the Christian frame of mind and feeling—a hatred to which the Nationalism of the nineteenth century furnished a reasonable fuel, which found a social expression in ostracism and rioting[17] and a political expression in the formation of the Christian Socialist Party in Germany (1878), and similar parties in Austria and Hungary (1882-99), seeking the suppression of equal rights for Jews, the Dreyfus affair in France (1895), and the open, violent persecutions in Roumania—all aimed at annulling the privileges granted by the Emancipation. Clerical, economic, and social opposition to the Jews combined to support the nationalistic contention summed up in the words of Heinrich von Treitschke (Professor of History, University of Berlin): "Die Juden sind unser Unglueck."[18] This essay is not concerned with the truth of the contention; suffice that it is advanced, supported, and acted upon.

The Jewish Situation in the Four Zones

A review of the Jewish situation is now possible. But before presenting this review, a definition of two words which will be frequently used may not be irrelevant. The Jewish problem is taken to mean an immediate concrete maladjustment where life and property are imperiled, much as we speak of the Mexican problem. The Jewish position, on the other hand, is taken to mean a social, cultural, or spiritual disharmony or repression, much as we speak of the position of the Poles in Galicia and Russia.

The Jewish situation falls naturally into four geographical zones. The first, which contains the problem in its most serious aspect, is Eastern Europe, including Russia, Poland, and Roumania, where are settled six of the twelve million Jews of the world.[19] In this zone, the Jews are for the most part maintaining medieval solidarity and separation, are suffering from medieval repression and persecution; but on the other hand, (and this appears to be the determining factor in the gravity of the problem), the Russian Jew is by no means a necessity to the Russian in any way similar to that in which the medieval Jew was a necessity to the medieval Christian. The eastern Jew is beginning to expand with the leaven of the Haskalah, and is simultaneously strangling for lack of the release and exercise of his powers afforded by Emancipation. The Russian and Roumanian, in what they believe to be the preservation of Nationalism, are determined on crippling or destroying the inimical and unassimilative factor in their population; and although the Russian is politically medieval, he is economically modern and considers himself restrained by no need of Jewish money.[20] The outcome for the Jews is economic impoverishment, social persecution, political enslavement, and spiritual degeneration.[21]

The second zone includes Austria, Germany, and to a minor degree France, where are settled approximately three millions of Jews. Save in Galicia, where political and racial turmoil is constantly giving the Jewish situation the sombre tinge of a problem, the Jews are finding themselves, for the most part, in a precarious position. Nationalism demands that they surrender their racial identity and proclivities; anti-Semitism declares upon the verdict of science that such surrender is impossible, and substitutes repression, assimilation, or extinction. The Jews in attempting to satisfy the conditions by entering fully into all the activities of national life arouse through their success only greater hostility; and the situation becomes converted into a vicious circle.

France to a large degree and England comprise the third zone, where the Jewish position is identical with that of the fourth zone, the United States, save in one important detail. The Jews in these two zones, numbering only one-and-a-half million, have entered freely into the national life about them, and, except for minor social disabilities which can only make the judicious smile, have been accorded equality, with the result that the Jew qua Jew is exposed to complete assimilation. The distinction between the third and fourth zone is that in England and France, anti-Semitism based on Nationalism is a potentiality (though the recent Aliens Bill and Chesterton trial would suggest that it might be more than this), whereas the open-door theory of settlement which created the United States militates basically against race-discrimination. The Jew of England and America does not face persecution nor repression, but a gradual and apparently pleasant extinction.

The medieval Jew found himself a necessary, well-paying, if not honored, guest in the households of Europe; but the day when the Jew resolved on adopting the life and manners of his host, the host resolved on drawing tightly the family lines. The modern Jew has discovered it necessary either to convince the obdurate host, who points to a scientifically certified chart of the family-tree, that he too is of blood germane, or take himself to lodgings in the cellarage. And yet—a third possibility here insinuates itself—why may not the Jew set up housekeeping for himself?



The Vain Effort of Reform Judaism

The medieval Jew would have accepted without hope the unfortunate predicament; the modern Jew, nerved with a distillation of the Revolutionary "rights of men" and confident that he was not combating the implacability of a religious hatred, adopted expedient and remedial measures, the chief of which, since they form the opposition to Zionism, will be outlined.

To justify Emancipation before and after it was secured, assimilative doctrines of a peculiar type, known as Reform Judaism,[22] whereby the essentials of Jewish life were to be separated and saved, constituted the main attempt of the Jew to demonstrate that he was a member of the households of Europe and not an intruder. Reform Judaism began as a result of the Haskalah by simplifying and beautifying, according to European standards, the Orthodox religious service (Germany 1810-20), and ended by abandoning the Messianic Restoration, the doctrine that Israel is in exile and that the prophecies are literally to be fulfilled. The expediency of these measures is apparent. To refute the anti-Semitic charge of racial inferiority, the existence of the race as a separate entity was denied, and the necessary scientific backing has lately been secured.[23] To meet the Nationalists, Israel's national hopes were declared void, and it was strongly urged that the basis of a modern nation is citizenship and not race.

The Reformers proceeded further and maintained that the Jewish people were themselves the Messiah, whose mission was "to spread by its fortitude and loyalty the monotheistic truth all over the earth, and to be an example of rectitude to all others,"[24] whose goal was "not a national Messianic State, but the realization in society of the principles of righteousness as enunciated by the prophets;"[25] wherefore, it was not only just that they receive citizenship, but religious duty compelled the Jew to demand it.

The Jewish religion was considered the essential possession of the Jewish people—so essential that it was to be maintained at the sacrifice of assimilation; but nowhere is it made apparent how a religion can be maintained without a people, how a people can be maintained without separation, and how separation can be maintained without abandoning the no-race, no-nation propositions. If these are abandoned, the Jews are precisely where they began—another circle whose viciousness is becoming obvious and is resulting in the constant discarding of Jewish rite and form, until the religion which was to be prized and saved is fast becoming a watery Unitarianism, and its adherents are allowing themselves, where permitted, to become completely assimilated. Reform Judaism which began as a compromise is ending as a surrender. The final and unanswerable objection to Reform Judaism as a solution is that the majority of Jews will not even in theory accept it. The devotion to race, religion, and separation is too strong. The Gentile in asking the Jew to assimilate is undoubtedly right; the refusal of the Jew undoubtedly is not wrong; and the ring of true tragedy becomes audible.

The Palliative Measures of Philanthropy

Contemporary with the unsuccessful attempt at clearing up the Jewish position in western Europe, palliative measures were undertaken to solve the problem in eastern Europe. In 1860 the Alliance Israelite Universelle was founded at Paris with the following purposes in chief:[26]

1. To work everywhere for the emancipation and moral progress of the Jew.

2. To give effectual support to those who are suffering persecution because they are Jews.

The Alliance began by distributing pamphlets and calling the attention of western governments to eastern injustice; it gradually, however, undertook practical work. Influenced by Rabbi Kalischer, religious enthusiast, a farm school (Mikveh Israel) was established at Jaffa; and after the Russian persecutions of 1880-82, active colonization for the relief of refugees became the chief work, in which the Alliance received substantial aid from Baron de Rothschild. Meanwhile Baron de Hirsch, another philanthropist of international proportions, dedicated millions to the foundation of colonies in Argentine and Palestine. In the latter place the Hirsch activities were incorporated under the title of the Jewish Colonization Association ("IKA", 1891), working in harmony of aim with the Alliance and with still a third movement—one more of the people—styled Chovevei-Zion (Lovers of Zion). The only activities of the Chovevei-Zion, a general term attached to small and ardent semi-affiliated societies throughout Europe and America, with which we are here concerned are the philanthropic; and their services in this respect were haphazard and negligible.[27]

To cast up briefly the sum of practical work accomplished by 1898: 94 schools in Asia and Africa,[28] and 25 colonies in Palestine supporting 5,000 Jews.[29] Such philanthropy is to be considered an attempt, however valiant and noble, to empty the sea with a pail—with a leaking pail.

Thus, upon a review of the situation, three alternatives present themselves: (1) Maintenance of the status quo with its dull round of persecution and degradation on one hand, and the soul-destroying life in the Fool's Paradise of Reform Judaism on the other; (2) Amalgamation with the surrounding peoples—a grim race-suicide; (3) Re-establishment of a national center where, perhaps not the entire people, but a remnant can be saved.

(To be concluded)

As Greece stands for art and Rome stands for law and order, so Judaea stands for morality, and so it occupies an exalted position in history. The Menorah Society comes to the University with a challenge and defies us to ignore at our peril that which Judaism has contributed to civilization and which we have derived from it. We have derived our own religion from it, and that spirit of Puritanism which was so closely connected with the settlement of the new world.—From an Address before the Cornell Menorah Society by President Jacob Gould Schurman of Cornell University.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Psalm 79.

[2] Der Judenstaat (Vienna, 1906); English translation, edited by J. de Haas.

[3] Theodor Herzl, "The Zionist Congress," Contemporary Review, v. 27, p. 587.

[4] I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1897), p. 49.

[5] Jacob S. Raisin, The Haskalah Movement (Philadelphia, 1913), p. 33.

[6] James H. Robinson, History of Western Europe (Boston, 1904, 2 vols.), vol. 1, p. 246. Addison & Steele, The Spectator (London, 1823), No. 495, p. 710.

[7] L. Zunz, The Sufferings of the Jews During the Middle Ages (New York, 1907).

[8] S. M. Dubnow, Jewish History (Philadelphia, 1903), p. 156.

[9] Lady Magnus, Outlines of Jewish History (London, 1888), p. 301 et seq.

[10] Raisin, The Haskalah Movement, Chap. III.

[11] S. Phillippson, Weltbegerende Fragen (Leipsic, 1868) Edouard Drumont, La France Juive (Paris, 1886).

[12] Ernest Renan, Etudes d'Histoire Religieuse (Paris, 1862), p. 85.

[13] Idem, p. 88.

[14] Idem, p. 87.

[15] H. Graetz, History of the Jews (Philadelphia, 1891), 5 vols., vol. V., p. 318 et seq.

[16] G. F. Abbott, "The Jewish Problem," Fortnightly Review, vol. 93, p. 742.

[17] The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York, 1901, 10 vols.), under "Anti-Semitism."

[18] Idem. and ibid., quoting from Preussiche Jahrbuecher, 1879.

[19] American Jewish Year Book (Philadelphia, 1913-14), p. 215.

[20] Arnold White, "Europe and the Jews," Contemporary Review, vol. 72, p. 738.

[21] American Jewish Year Book, 1906-07, p. 24-90. Tables showing, for period of 3 years in Russia (1903-06), 254 pogroms, in which 3,973 Jews were killed and 14,034 wounded. C. R. Conder, "Zionists," Blackwood, vol. 163, p. 598, states on authority of Dr. Farbstein that 70 per cent. of Galician Jews are beggars and 50 per cent. of Russian Jews are paupers.

[22] Jewish Encyclopedia under "Reform Judaism."

[23] Maurice Fishberg, "The Jews" (New York, 1911).

[24] Jewish Encyclopedia under "Reform Judaism."

[25] Idem.

[26] Jewish Encyclopedia under "Alliance Israelite Universelle."

[27] Cohen, Zionist Work in Palestine, p. 157.

[28] Idem.

[29] Idem, under "Agricultural Colonies in Palestine."



The Third Annual Convention of the Menorah Societies

I. The Public Meeting

The Third Annual Convention of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association was held at the University of Cincinnati, in the city of Cincinnati, on Wednesday and Thursday, December 23 and 24, 1914. The third session, on Wednesday evening, was a public meeting in the University auditorium. Abraham J. Feldman, President of the University of Cincinnati Menorah Society, formally welcomed the convention, and introduced Chancellor Henry Hurwitz as the Chairman of the evening. Mayor F. S. Spiegel brought the greetings and welcome of the city of Cincinnati. Dean Joseph E. Harry extended a welcome in behalf of the University, and Dr. Kaufman Kohler, President of Hebrew Union College, welcomed the convention in behalf of his institution and of the Jewish community. Professor I. Leo Sharfman of the University of Michigan, President of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, spoke on "The Menorah Movement," and Dr. H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin delivered an address on "The Jews and the War." For the substance of Dr. Kallen's address see his article on page 79. The other speakers spoke in part as follows:

DEAN J. E. HARRY

In behalf of the University of Cincinnati, I bid you welcome. I confess that I can agree with the statement made in your declaration of the nature and purpose of the Menorah Societies, that modern civilization is chiefly a product of three ancient cultures, or to be more exact, I should prefer to say two, since the Roman is but a continuation of the Greek, and we cannot understand ourselves without understanding and having direct reference to the character and work of both the Greek and the Hebrew minds.

Two principal elements have entered into the spiritual life of the modern world. The past and the present are one and inseparable, and you cannot destroy the former without doing positive damage to the latter. The roots of our civilization lie in the soil of antiquity, and you cannot destroy and disentangle the fibers of the growing tree of civilization from the far-off centuries that are gone, without injuring the whole organism. "If we were to wipe out all the records of the past, what a series of inexplicable riddles would our own history present, and if we were to blot out entirely every reference to ancient writers, or were to blow away all the perfume that has been shaken down from the vestments of those writers, how blurred and how scentless would the fairest and most fragrant pages of our own great poets and historians appear!"

What we need to-day, what our country needs more than anything else, is thorough, really liberally educated men, and not merely men who are supposed by the general public to be educated, simply because they have passed through a college, because in some quarters the business of education has, alas, fallen into the hands of men who are not themselves liberally educated; and so as an ardent advocate of the humanities, with hope that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association will contribute to the laying of greater stress upon the value of the study of the humanities in our college curriculum, I bid you God-speed, and again extend to you the cordial greetings of the University of Cincinnati.

DR. KAUFMAN KOHLER

I do not know whether you have observed that Cincinnati is somewhat akin to the city of Rome as well as to the holy city of Jerusalem—it is a city with many hills. On this hill here, facing one another for friendly and harmonious cooeperation, the two institutions of learning in which we especially, the Jewish community, take particular pride—the University of Cincinnati, which so prominently and in ever expanding proportion stands for the humanities, for classical culture, for the professional and scientific branches of secular knowledge, and on the other hand, the Hebrew Union College, which stands for the mother religion of civilized humanity and for the progressive spirit of Judaism and of Americanism. In this rather insignificant incident the Jewish community may well find a great principle expressed. With his face towards the East from which issues the light of day, where was cradled the faith of Israel, the Jew, ever beholding in classical wisdom and knowledge the sister of his faith, proceeded with the westward march of civilization in order to make religion, by the reason and research of the ages, a great, progressive power, ever regenerating his spiritual heritage and rejuvenating that religion of his own as it goes on through the centuries.

This fact, however, of a continual intellectual and spiritual progress of Judaism, is altogether too rarely recognized by the surrounding Christian world, even by its men of light and leading or by its seats of learning, because the New Testament is looked upon by altogether too many as the death warrant of the Old Testament, as if the sun of civilization had stood still over Israel ever since its seers and singers and sages of yore voiced the Divine message. Nor does the Jewish man of culture and college training as a rule appreciate the wondrous achievements of the Jewish genius since the very dawn of history until our day, in the whole domain of learning and science, or of ethical and religious culture.

It is therefore a highly laudable endeavor undertaken by the Intercollegiate Menorah Association to arouse the dormant spirit of self-respect in the academic Jewish youth, to stir in him the ambition to study and know this matchless history and literature, and to kindle in his soul anew that idealism which made the Jew throughout all the ages endure and brave the onslaughts of the empires and churches and the persecuting mobs, so that even to-day he is as young and as vigorous as any of the youngest races and nations in the world.

The Importance of Israel's Religion

This past, I say, cannot but appeal to every high-minded American, whether Christian or Jew, and your study of it will certainly meet with our warmest support and encouragement. Only, in my opinion, one thing you need, young as your association is, young in years and young in experience, and that is, a full comprehension and keen realization of the subject you have in view and a wise and right direction towards it. No one doubts or questions the sincerity of your motives or the praiseworthiness of your aims and purposes when you place on your program the study of Jewish history, culture and problems, and the advancement of Jewish ideals, but you omit that which is most essential, which is the all-encompassing force and factor of Jewish life, the real, peculiar and genuine product of the Jewish genius—religion. We have got a religion which, as has been put by Matthew Arnold, has fashioned four-fifths of the world's civilization. In omitting the idea, as expressed by Matthew Arnold, of the power that maketh for righteousness, in declaring your movement as being altogether non-religious, you run the risk of making of your endeavor an inevitable and certain failure.[G] Let me quote to you from an address delivered recently before a Jewish society in London on "Israel and Medicine" by Professor Osler, sentences that are remarkable and worth repeating. He says:

"In estimating the position of Israel in the human values, one must remember that the quest for righteousness is Oriental, the quest for knowledge, Occidental. With the great prophets of the East—Moses, Isaiah, Mahomet [he might have included Jesus of Nazareth], the word was 'Thus saith the Lord.' With the seers of the West, from Aristotle to Darwin, it was 'What says nature?' Modern civilization is the outcome of the two great movements of the mind of man, who is to-day ruled in heart and head by Israel and by Greece. From the one he has learned responsibility to a Supreme Being and love for his neighbor, in which are embraced the law and the prophets. From the other he has gathered the promise of Eden, to have dominion over the earth in which he lives."

Now let me add to this that whatever the Jew claims or possesses of culture he has borrowed from the nations and civilizations around him, whether it be architecture, the art or the mode of writing, philosophy and science, the modes of social and industrial life, all of which he has taken and assimilated into his own life.

Not so with his religious truth. This is all his own, his peculiar and genuine contribution to humanity. Thereby he has given human life its eternal value, its purpose, its goal and hope for all time.

Now it seems to me that you may as well expect of the blind to depict for you his impressions of the prismatic glories of the rainbow, or of the deaf to orate on the beauties of a Beethoven symphony, as to expect of one who lacks the sense of religion, the spirit of faith, to expound, or even to understand, the ideals of the Jew, whose history throughout the past was but one continuous glorification of the only one God, by the master works of its hundreds and thousands of men of learning and the unparalleled martyrdom of the whole people, and whose future is humanity made one by the belief in the only one God and Father. Therefore, let me give you, delegates and members of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, the advice to continue as you started, as an academic, cosmopolitan association, yet at the same time let it be linked to the synagogue of each city as the center of the faith. Let your watch-word be true to the symbol of [Hebrew: kumi uri] "arise and shine," and give light to all the nations. Let your inspiration and your power of enlightening the world ever come fresh from the sanctuary of faith, as of yore, and you will not only be all the more honored for this loyalty to the spirit of the past and the spirit of the American people which is religious, but the sweetest delight that comes from the classic world of beauty will reflect only the brighter light of the holiness, the beauty of holiness, that comes from Israel's one God.

PROF. I. LEO SHARFMAN

We want all that is worthy in the Jewish past to be made a potent force in the American life of the present. You men and women who are students at our universities cannot perform your full duty to your universities unless you add to the richness of the university life, to the variety of its content, to its genuineness and versatility. And in the larger American community we Jews cannot perform our full duty unless we place at the disposal of our country the best fruits of the Jewish spirit. Our Menorah allegiance, then, rests on the foundation of Americanism. And insofar as, through the Menorah movement, we are succeeding in uniting by a common bond men and women who have been brought up under a great variety of circumstances and conditions, we are increasing the democratic spirit of our universities and of the larger life beyond the academic gates. Within the universities, too, the broadening effect of the Menorah idea is not limited to the student body. I can bear witness from personal experience that the university authorities, both faculty members and administrative officers, are not merely tolerating, or even mildly accepting, the work of our Menorah Societies in their midst, but are themselves being led to a better understanding of the place which the Jewish problem occupies in the larger problem of their universities and of the American community for whose service they are training the youth of the land.

Menorah and Religion

I have said that the aim of the Menorah movement is the study and advancement of Hebraic culture and ideals. The culture of a people is but the permanent expression of its ideals in the various activities of life. Religion constitutes one of the most important of human activities, and we in the Menorah Societies are fully cognizant of its fundamental importance. Indeed, we recognize that the ideals of the Jewish people are perhaps expressed more truly, more profoundly, more eloquently in our religious literature than in any other manifestation of the Jewish genius. We should not be charged with excluding religion, merely because we aim to include more than religion in our purposes and activities.

I happen at the present time to be teaching at the University of Michigan, at Ann Arbor. We have there a Menorah Society, devoted to the general object to which all our Menorah Societies are devoted. We listen to speakers and engage in discussions on Jewish history, Jewish literature, Jewish religion, and current Jewish social, economic and political problems. Side by side with the Menorah Society there exists a Jewish Student Congregation, a body of men and women of which I feel it a privilege to have been one of the organizers and to be a member at the present time, which devotes itself entirely to religious activity, to regular weekly worship. The two organizations do not conflict in any way. It is significant that about ninety-five per cent, if not more, of the members of the Michigan Menorah Society attend regularly the services of the Jewish Student Congregation. Unfortunately, not so large a percentage of the members of the congregation attend the meetings or are members of the Michigan Menorah Society. In the course of time, the relationship between the two organizations will doubtless be adjusted more satisfactorily. But in the experience at Michigan we have a concrete illustration of the spur to religion which Menorah men derive from their participation in Menorah work.

The ideal of the Menorah Societies is a non-partisan ideal. We do not stand for Zionism or anti-Zionism; we do not urge the acceptance of reform Judaism or conservative Judaism or orthodox Judaism; we do not favor the German Jew as against the Russian Jew, or vice versa, nor do we appeal to one social class as against another. We want the Menorah ideal to be broad enough to include every Jew. We do not exclude religion as such from the scope of our interests; we but exclude any insistence upon a particular sect or branch or kind of Judaism. We avoid all partisan activity which may tend to disorganize our Jewish students, which may tend to divide them. That is all.

A Plea for Tolerance

I believe that what we need in our universities, what we need in the Jewish community, is more insistence upon Judaism and more light upon the inspiration which Judaism can bring us, and less insistence upon the particular kind of Judaism which you or I or some one else may consider the acme of truth. Indifference to religion and not error in religion is the great danger of these modern times. If we really want religion, if we want to stir again the Jew's traditional passion for religion, if we want to inspire once more the Jew's genius for religion, let us try to understand all aspects and all manifestations of it, let us bend our efforts to a renaissance of religious influence. The future of the Jew in this country will not be determined by the theories or the practices of any one group or sect of Jews. The result will be a composite result, to which the reform Jew and the Zionist, the orthodox Jew and the anti-Zionist, will alike contribute. Let us leave it to the growing generation to determine for itself the content of the theory of life best suited to the future destiny of the Jew. At least, within our university walls let us be tolerant, let us be liberal-minded, let us listen to and understand every man's point of view.

MR. HURWITZ

In the free and honest expression of adverse views which we have heard to-night, this, indeed, has been a characteristic Menorah meeting. It may fittingly be closed by a word from one of our staunchest friends, one of our staunchest friends because he is an ardent and public-spirited Jew and a patriotic American, Justice Irving Lehman of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, the Chairman of the Graduate Menorah Committee. He addresses this word to the convention:

"I am very sorry that I am unable to attend the convention of the Association this year. I feel that during the past year we have made some progress upon which you have reason to congratulate yourselves, but we must remember that our movement is still far from having the force and power which I think it deserves. We have a great and difficult task to perform if we are to succeed in bringing back to the Jewish youth a pride in their Jewish heritage and a knowledge of their Jewish past, and I know that such work is worthy of all effort. I trust that your convention may possess the spirit and the wisdom necessary to further the work, and I wish to renew to you my assurance of willing co-operation."

II. The Luncheon

The fifth session of the Convention was a luncheon in the Hotel Gibson, attended by the delegates, university students and graduates in Cincinnati, and members of the Faculties of the University of Cincinnati and the Hebrew Union College. Prof. I. Leo Sharfman, President of the Intercollegiate Menorah Association, was the Toastmaster. Chancellor Hurwitz spoke for five minutes upon the purposes and progress of the Menorah movement. President Abraham J. Feldman of the University of Cincinnati Menorah Society expressed gratification at the honor accorded to his Menorah Society by the Convention and appealed to the graduates and prominent members of the community present for support in the work of the Cincinnati Menorah Society. The other speakers were Dean Joseph E. Harry of the University of Cincinnati, Dr. Moses Barron, Representative from the University of Minnesota, Dr. Louis Grossmann of Hebrew Union College, Dr. Samuel Iglauer, graduate of the University of Cincinnati, Walter M. Shohl, graduate of Harvard University, Dr. Kaufman Kohler, President of Hebrew Union College, Prof. Julian Morgenstern of Hebrew Union College, Dr. H. M. Kallen of the University of Wisconsin, and Dr. David Philipson of Hebrew Union College. Following are somewhat abridged reports of the speeches:

DEAN J. E. HARRY

I did not know that I was going to be called upon today, or I should certainly have tried to fortify myself, as the old darky in Virginia said when his master sent him down to another part of the plantation to see if the rebels were fortifying the place: "Massa, they am not only fortyfying it; they am fiftyfying it!"

I am glad that our Chancellor here to my right said that the speeches were to be brief. I think that an after-dinner speaker who makes a long speech ought to have about the same punishment that the member of parliament mentioned when he introduced a bill, "The only way to stop suicide is to make it a capital offense, punishable by death."

But I have always tried to avoid redundancy of expression. I would never say a "wealthy plumber," nor a "poor poet," nor for that matter a "poor professor."

"Vessels of wrath, we pedagogues; Better we were dead, Who, by the wrath of Peleus' son, Must earn our daily bread."

Nor would I say an "interesting Menorah Association meeting." That they are interesting goes without saying, if we can judge from the one we had last night.

I am exceedingly interested in real culture, and being an American, and knowing, as I do, what the Jews in America can do for the advancement of learning, of knowledge and of the humanities, I am interested in the Menorah movement, which will tend to bring this about; and it is when we reflect upon the war in Europe today, with all its sickening horrors and what that means to culture (we can hardly comprehend it yet), what an obstacle to learning, that we may exclaim with that old bibliophile, Richard de Bury:

"O pacis auctor et amator altissime! dissipa gentes bella volentes quae super omnes pestilentias libris nocent."

And by "libris" he meant culture.

DR. MOSES BARRON

Minnesota brings its greeting to the Intercollegiate Menorah Association as one of the very earliest Menorah Societies. It was really originated in 1903, when a handful of students in the University found it desirable to satisfy certain longings by taking up the study of Jewish history and literature. Some of us had found that it was of little avail to cry over the ashes of the past, and we thought that it would be much more proper to try and study the history, the literature, the ideals of the past for the inspiration to be found there, which might better fit us to cope with the problems of the present and the future. Our Society has grown from a mere handful to an enthusiastic company, so that we have from fifty to seventy-five, and even a hundred, attending our regular meetings. I give this fact simply to show what a profound influence the work of the Menorah has been, what an influence it necessarily must have in the future, in promulgating Jewish culture, Jewish thought and ideals.

DR. LOUIS GROSSMANN

I am reminded by our Chairman of the time when he was still a student at Harvard, in the earliest days of the Menorah movement, when I addressed the Menorah Society there. It was in the room of the Chancellor, unless I am mistaken, and there were a number of students. They were grouped about, some in chairs, some sitting on the floor, some perched on window sills, while others improvised seats on the furniture. I felt myself patriarchal in the midst of these young men. It was a remarkable scene and it was a remarkably helpful evening, helpful and refreshing to me. The pulses of youth always beat high and I caught the elation of it. Who would not have been touched by it? Some of these young men have since become leaders in thought and action, and I am not surprised.

Let me make a confession as to that evening. I not only felt a thrill but made also some observations. These young men had their ideals, but they had also their difficulties. And they spoke of them. We had an exchange of thought and of candor such as comes to a man in the ministry and to a teacher of students but rarely. They told me of their doubts. Young men, serious young minds, always will have their doubts. They want to earn their convictions. I hope the day will never come when young men will not insist on seeing things. These young men were quick-witted and ready with repartee and counter-argument, and I saw in each eye a glint of an ideal. The debate was strong, but the ideals were stronger.

The Power of Ideals

Ideals are pulses that beat in their own way. An ideal is a fact of the soul; it is more than a definition or an argument. An ideal is always very certain and nobody wants to disprove it, nor can.

I notice the Menorah Association has for its aim the cultivation of ideals. It is natural that young men, with red blood in them, should hold dear the precious dreams of what might and should be. As I look upon ideals now, through the perspective of years, I see they have both strength as well as limitations. But I know that, however much life and experience challenges them, they are the best force in us. I respect and value them so much that I deplore the waste of the least of them. An ideal is a moral ambition, a great wish of a true, even if a bit naive, soul. And it should have the right of way.

Every work in life implies stern necessity and a fine wish. I am reminded of a bridge in Berlin which the Germans have built with inimitable art and truth. There are four groups, each at a corner. On one an elderly man stands erect and writing. It is History, stern and real. At his side stands a boy, lithe and graceful. There are ideals just as much as Law in the affairs of men. On the other side of the bridge stands another symbol of the two forces in Life: a man carrying a bundle, a bent man, who has borne the brunt of the pioneer days, and next to him also a youth. Commerce, however sordid, still implies morality and the generous side of man. On the third side stands the solemn figure of Religion, sober and haggard, the symbol of Faith and martyrdom. And the young man, next to it, seems sprightly and strong. Why must Religion be interpreted as dispensing comfort alone? Should it not also give strength and joy? In the last corner stands Pestalozzi, the teacher, and a boy looks up into his kind face. We crave for action and capability more than for knowledge and facts. And we crave for love more than for truth, and the real truth brings affections and enthusiasm.

In the meetings of your Association you speak often of ideals, you speak of them fervently. But ideals are not merely academic. They are personal. An ideal becomes yourself, if it is yours at all. It is a dynamic force within you. It pervades your whole being. It is an unseen but a very telling strength. It directs you, and it sends you on your errand of life. You cannot rest satisfied merely to know your ideal and to speculate about it. It is the engine of warfare in your career. Study ideals, not to contemplate and analyze, but to emulate them and to fill yourself with them. You have work to do. And work is more insistent than philosophy. You have work to do which no one else can do for you, or may do for you. An ideal is your Self at the highest power.

You with fresh energies, you with the clear eye of healthy youth, you with unoppressed hearts, you at the beginning of life, you should go at your work splendidly, directly, forcefully. The real idealist is a man of action, of untiring activity. Do things and you verify what you plan. You have the privilege of youth. Have also the pride of youth. Keep it sweet, but keep it also strong.

DR. SAMUEL IGLAUER

The Menorah Society appeals to me as a college graduate not only for many of its positive virtues but also for some of its negative merits. It is not in any sense a social organization, and above all it is not a secret society. Now I have my own peculiar views about secret societies in universities, and I do not believe that they tend to promote college spirit and college unity. It has been well said that in these societies those who are in any particular societies are brothers, while every one else who belongs to another society, or to no society whatever, is just a step-brother. To my mind that is not a good spirit in an American institution.

It seems to me that, having in this city a Hebrew Union College with a gifted faculty, we should establish at our University a Department of Semitics. Since the University is a public school, an institution supported by public taxation, it certainly could not affiliate directly with a sectarian institution, but I see no reason why the professors in the Hebrew College, if they are not already overworked like the students, should not be able to conduct courses at the University itself, and I believe such courses would promote the Menorah movement more than anything else you could do. I think you would attract students from far and wide to the University of Cincinnati, and you would thereby achieve one of the ends for which you are working.

MR. WALTER M. SHOHL

It is gratifying to me to attend this meeting of the Menorah, because, as the Chairman has said, I heard the flapping of the wings of the stork at its birth. I recall very well the preliminary meetings that we had when the organization of the Menorah Society at Cambridge was first spoken of. At that time I was one of the doubters; I held back. There were in Cambridge a number of societies, social primarily, that did not desire members of our faith among their number. I felt that a movement which was composed entirely of Jewish men would be mistaken for an effort at a Jewish fraternity that was to take the place of the fraternities in which we were not welcome. The other men, however, felt that we could have a society the purposes of which had nothing to do with social matters, and that we could bring out all that was good in Jewish matters of culture and develop a society to promote those interests. So at first somewhat reluctantly, I joined in with the movement, and the result has justified their farsightedness, and I am sorry now that I was only a "trailer" in the beginning.

The position of the Menorah movement and what it stands for calls to mind a story that was told in Montreal a couple of years ago by Lord Haldane, who came to America to attend a meeting of the American Bar Association. A part of the story was recited in verse (which I do not recall exactly) and had to do with an Englishman who was taken prisoner in one of the countries of the Far East, and was offered his choice between conversion to the religion of his captors or death. He was a man who had no particular religious feelings; he was not religious when at home. However, he felt that first and foremost he was an Englishman and that if he were to do anything base it would reflect upon all those ideals which were so dear to him, and therefore he cast in his lot and chose against the change of religion. So, too, with some of us who perhaps are not religious in a formal way; the realization of the great things that have been accomplished in the past by Jews, the Jewish historical background, is in itself a shield to us, and the realization of what Judaism is and stands for must act to prevent us from doing something that would be unworthy of ourselves and of the religion of which we are a part.

DR. KAUFMAN KOHLER

This comes rather unawares, but I wish to be very brief in stating that, while I listened to the very interesting and suggestive remarks that were made all along this table, and also on recalling what we heard last night, I feel glad, after all, from the point of view of the Hebrew Union College, that the Intercollegiate Menorah Association has come here to make propaganda for its work, at the same time receiving perhaps new direction and new ideas about the work they have so nobly begun. The fact that the work—started, as we heard, at Harvard in 1906—has made such progress shows that at least there was something in the young Jewish student at the colleges that called for the creation of such an association and such kind of work. Perhaps I may say that those who had their misgivings as to the tendencies of the Menorah Association are now at least informed that some of these misgivings or suspicions were not well founded. I personally will say that I had the impression that there was too much of nationalism or Zionism behind the movement, and that the movement was not, from the point of view of the Hebrew Union College or my humble self, one deserving encouragement and support. I have learned to change some of my views and some of my impressions as to the purpose and intention of this movement. There is a well-known quotation, for those who know a little German:

"Das sind die Weisen, Die vom Irrtum zur Wahrheit reisen; Das sind die Narren, Die beim Irrtum beharren."

I am not one of those who insist on views once maintained though later found faulty. I am rather ready to change my views, especially after what I heard today from my honored neighbor (Prof. I. L. Sharfman) and from what he said last night that the religious idea of Judaism is not ignored but is held in view.

All Jews who are Jews must believe that Judaism stands for an uncompromising monotheistic truth, while the world around us has compromised the same. Therefore we, as Jews, must always insist upon the maintenance of the pure monotheistic idea for which we suffered and struggled, and for which our fathers died. We must maintain this as the mainstay and vital principle of Judaism. For this very reason, and for no other, we insist, especially from the point of view of a Jewish theological college, that this idea of a pure Jewish religion, the pure monotheistic idea, must be held unshakenly and without any change or any concession. And for that very reason we could not and will not say that race is everything. We cannot admit that a pure race is the best, and that a pure Jew is he who has maintained solely everything Jewish and not allowed the Greek culture to be assimilated in order to sublimate and spiritualize and idealize the truth inherited. For Ruppin and the Nationalists who follow him, the poor Jews, the ghetto Jews, of Russia who speak Yiddish and live only an exclusive narrow life, are five-fifths Jews, while the Jews in free and civilized lands are only half Jews. Now against this, we of the Hebrew Union College, we who represent progressive or reformed Judaism, must protest. We must insist that the Jewish race, the Jewish people or nation, if you want to call it so, can form only the body; Judaism, the Jewish religion, is the soul. And we will always stand not merely for the body, not merely for the material side, not merely for race, which is the lowest kind of life, but for the spirit, the soul of Judaism, and that is its religious truth.

PROF. JULIAN MORGENSTERN

I believe that it is one of the positive aims of the Menorah Society to recognize the Jewish side of much that enters, or should enter, into our daily life, to develop our full consciousness of all that is essentially and fundamentally Jewish, and thus enable us to live positive and constructive Jewish lives. It is a noble aim, to which I unrestrictedly subscribe. Whenever I hear public speakers or writers pat Jews and Judaism on the back, and patronizingly tell us, "Oh, you Jews are all right," I am, as no doubt most of us are, deeply chagrined, to use a mild expression. What we want is not that others should appreciate us and tell us that we are all right. What we want, and what we need, is that we should appreciate ourselves and that we should take ourselves seriously and at our full value. Not that we should over-appreciate ourselves and think ourselves alone the salt of the earth. There is such a thing as over-appreciation that must in the end lead to futility and vanity. But equally, there is such a thing as self-depreciation, and to a certain extent I cannot but feel that we Jews have been more or less guilty of that in the past, have more or less, particularly in our college and university life, assumed a deprecating attitude, apologizing as it were for our existence as Jews, and, probably unconsciously, have kept the fact of our Judaism in the background, and suffered our education and our culture to influence almost everything but our Jewish knowledge and our Jewish life.