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The Life and Correspondence of Sir Isaac Brock
by Ferdinand Brock Tupper
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Major-General Proctor's army was deprived, by this disastrous defeat, of every prospect of obtaining its necessary supplies through Lake Erie, and a speedy retreat towards the head of Lake Ontario became inevitable. Stung with grief and indignation, Tecumseh at first refused to agree to the measure, and in a council of war held at Amherstburg on the 18th of September, he thus delivered his sentiments against it:

Father, listen to your children! You have them now all before you.

The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In that war our father was thrown on his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge; and we are afraid that our father will do so again at this time.

The summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry,—that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans.

Listen! When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans; that he wanted our assistance; and that he would certainly get us hack our lands, which the Americans had taken from us.

Listen! You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families to this place, and we did so; and you promised to take care of them, and that they should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy; that we need not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons; that we knew nothing about them, and that our father would attend to that part of the contest. You also told your red children that you would take good care of your garrison here, which made our hearts glad.

Listen! When we were last at the Rapids, it is true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like ground hogs.

Father, listen! Our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought; we have heard the great guns; but we know nothing of what has happened to our father with that arm. Our ships have gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing to run away the other, without letting his red children know what his intentions are. You always told us to remain here and take care of our lands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father, the king, is the head, and you represent him. You always told us that you would never draw your foot off British ground; but now, father, we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to observe our father doing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our father's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between its legs and runs off.

Father, listen! The Americans have not yet defeated us by land; neither are we sure that they have done so by water: we therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father.

At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly defeated us; and, when we retreated to our father's fort in the neighbourhood, the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would again be the case; but, instead of closing the gates, we now see our British father preparing to march out of his garrison.

Father! You have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent for his red children. If you intend to retreat, give them to us, and you may go, and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be His will, we wish to leave our bones upon them.

General Harrison's troops were soon transported by the American squadron to Put-in-Bay, and they occupied Amherstburg on the 23d of September, Proctor having previously fallen back upon Sandwich, after setting fire to the navy yard, barracks, and public stores at the former place. The British general, seeing the enemy determined to follow up his first success by an immediate attack upon Detroit, and being unable with his very inferior numbers to dispute the occupancy of that post, evacuated it and Sandwich on the 26th, also destroying the public property at both posts; and commenced his retreat along the river Thames, with between 900 and 1,000 regulars, chiefly of the 41st regiment. In this reverse of fortune, Tecumseh still adhered to the British standard with unswerving fidelity, and with the Indians covered the retreat. On the 2d of October, General Harrison marched in pursuit with rather above 3,000 men, escorted by three gun-boats and a number of bateaux. On the 4th, he came up with the rear guard, and not only made some prisoners, but succeeded in capturing a great part of the ammunition and stores. By this second reverse, the British were left destitute of the means of subsistence and protracted defence; and their commander being thus compelled to stake the fate of his small army on a general engagement, he took up an excellent position on the right bank of the Thames at the Moravian town, an Indian village 80 miles from Sandwich, his entire force now mustering barely 900 regulars and about 600 Indians. The former were posted in single files in two lines, their left resting on the river, their right on a narrow swamp, beyond which were the Indians, reaching obliquely backwards to a second and much broader swamp, so that neither flank of the allies could be easily turned. The enemy commenced the attack with a regiment of mounted riflemen, the elite of their army, formed into two divisions of 500 men each, one of which charged the regulars with great impetuosity, while the other advanced with a company of foot against the Indians. The regulars, dissatisfied by fancied or real neglect, and dispirited by long continued exposure and privation, made but a very feeble resistance; their ranks were pierced and broken, and being placed between two fires, they immediately surrendered, with the trifling loss of 12 killed and 22 wounded, the British general and a part of the troops seeking safety in flight. But the Indians carried on the contest with the left of the American line with great determination, and did not retreat until the day was irretrievably lost and 33 of their numbers had been slain, including the noble Tecumseh—a warrior not less celebrated for his courage than for his humanity, his eloquence, and his influence over the different tribes. The Americans returned to Sandwich immediately after the action. Proctor is accused of leaving entire the bridges and roads in the rear of his retreating army, and of encumbering it with an unnecessary quantity of his own personal baggage; and certain it is that his defeat led to the harshest recrimination between Sir George Prevost and himself. The general order of the former on the subject was of unparalleled severity, as he said: "On this disgraceful day upwards of 600 officers and soldiers were taken prisoners almost without a struggle, of whom but very few appeared to have been rescued by an honorable death from the ignominy of passing under the American yoke; nor are there many whose wounds plead in mitigation of this reproach." The fugitives made the best of their way to Ancaster, at the head of Lake Ontario; and on the 17th of October they numbered there 240, including the general and 17 officers. The consequence of these disasters was the relinquishment, by the British, of the Michigan territory, with the exception of Michilimakinack; the abandonment of the posts in Upper Canada to the westward of the Grand River, or Ouse; and the loss of the services of the whole of the north-western Indians, with the exception of 2 or 300, who subsequently joined the centre division of the army.[125]

Fort George was taken in May, 1813, by a large American force, under General Dearborn, which compelled Major-General Vincent to withdraw his troops from Fort Erie and Chippewa, and to retreat to Burlington Heights, at the head of Lake Ontario, the British losing 52 killed, besides upwards of 300 wounded and missing. Immediately after the capture of Fort George, General Dearborn pushed forward a body of 3,000 infantry, with nine field pieces and 250 cavalry, for the purpose of dislodging Major-General Vincent from his position. Lieut.-Colonel Harvey,[126] deputy adjutant-general, proposed a night attack on this body, which was approved, and with the 49th, under Major Plenderleath, and five companies of the 8th, under Major Ogilvie, (the whole only 704 firelocks,) he led the attack in gallant style, and completely succeeded in surprising the enemy, who evinced a highly creditable state of order and discipline in repeatedly forming, though compelled as often to disperse before the resistless energy of the British bayonet. Two brigadiers, (Chandler and Winder,) 7 other officers and 116 men, with three guns and one brass howitzer, were taken in this intrepid attack, which, as it reduced the Americans from offensive to defensive operations, was of the greatest importance to the salvation of the Upper Province. The enemy, however, occupied Fort George till the month of December, when they were compelled to evacuate it and retreat across the Niagara.[127] In that month, Colonel Murray surprised, and very gallantly captured by a night assault, Fort Niagara, which was retained by the British till the end of the war.

The recovery of Michilimakinack had long been seriously contemplated by the American government, and would have been attempted in the fall of 1813, but for the lateness of the season, when the expulsion of the British from the banks of the Detroit had opened the passage into Lake Huron. On the other hand, the necessity of retaining a post so favorably situated, if in the hands of an enemy, for annoying the British north-western trade, pressed itself on Sir George Prevost; and in April, 1814, a reinforcement of about 90 men, under an active and zealous officer, Lieut.-Colonel M'Douall, was forwarded with military stores and provisions, by a back route to Michilimakinack. They embarked in twenty-four bateaux from Nottawassega Bay on Lake Huron, distant 260 miles from Michilimakinack, and, after a very tempestuous passage of twenty-five days, reached the fort on the 18th of May. On the 26th July, an American expedition from Lake Erie, consisting of three brigs and two schooners of war, under Captain Sinclair, with nearly 800 troops on board, appeared off Michilimakinack, and a landing was effected by them on the 4th of August. The British force on the island amounted to only 190 men, including regulars, militia, and Indians, with which Lieut.-Colonel M'Donall repulsed every effort of the Americans to approach the fort; so that they were glad, to re-embark the same evening in the utmost haste and confusion, leaving 17 dead on the ground, while the garrison had only one Indian killed. Captain Sinclair stated what does not appear to have been known to Lieutenant Hanks, when he surrendered the island in 1812 to Captain Roberts,[128] "that Michilimakinack is by nature a perfect Gibraltar, being a high inaccessible rock on every side,[129] except the west, from which to the heights you have nearly two miles to pass through a wood so thick, that our men were shot in every direction, and within a few yards of them, without being able to see the Indians who did it." Michilimakinack remained unmolested to the end of the war, when it was restored, by the treaty of peace, to its former possessors.

It has already been mentioned, that among the prisoners taken at the battle of Queenstown, 23 were sent to England for trial as British born subjects and deserters, and that the American government had placed an equal number of British soldiers into close confinement as hostages. In consequence, Sir George Prevost, by a general order of the 27th October, 1813, made known that he had received the commands of the prince regent to put 46 American officers and non-commissioned officers into close confinement as hostages for the 23 soldiers confined by the American government. He at the same time apprized that government, that if any of the British soldiers should suffer death by reason of the guilt and execution of the traitors taken in arms against their country, he was instructed to select out of the American hostages double the number of the British soldiers who might be so unwarrantably put to death, and to cause them to suffer death immediately. The governor-general also notified to the American government, that in the event of their carrying their murderous threat into execution, the commanders of the British forces, by sea and land, were instructed to prosecute the war with unmitigated severity against all the territory and inhabitants of the United States.

On the 10th of December, Sir George Prevost received a communication from Major-General Wilkinson by a flag of truce, stating that the American government, adhering unalterably to their previously declared purpose, had placed 46 British officers into close confinement, there to remain until the same number of American officers and non-commissioned officers were released. In consequence, the governor-general ordered all the American officers, prisoners of war, without exception of rank, to be placed into close confinement as hostages, until the number of 46 was completed over and above those already in confinement. In pursuance of this order, Generals Winder, Chandler, and Winchester, were confined in a private house at Quebec, with as little inconvenience as their security would admit.

On the 15th April, 1814, after some negotiation, opened at the solicitation of the American government, a convention was entered into at Montreal, by which it was agreed to release the hostages and to make an exchange of prisoners, the American government relinquishing its pretensions to retaliate for the prisoners sent to England for legal trial as traitors to their country. This convention was ratified in July, at Champlain, near the lines; but, whether by previous agreement or tacit understanding, the traitors, we believe, escaped the just punishment of their crime.

The remaining events of the war in Canada during the campaigns of 1812, 13 and 14, do not fall within the scope of this memoir. Some we might chronicle with pride, but a few we could not record without shame; and, on the whole, we cannot but think that the same withering influence, which bound the hands and repressed the energies of "him who undoubtedly was the best officer that headed our troops throughout the war,"[130] was visible to the termination of the contest—a contest in which we are satisfied the result would have been very different, "if a man of military genius, courage, quickness, and decision, had held the supreme command."[131] Indeed, when we reflect upon the management of that eventful war, we are often forcibly reminded, in the fatal loss of Sir Isaac Brock, of the pathetic lament of the gallant highlander, who, contrasting the irresolution of his present general with the deeds of his former chief, the renowned Grahame,[132] Viscount Dundee, mournfully exclaimed:

Oh! for one hour of Dundee!

During the progress of the war, the British government made several overtures for a reconciliation; and at length, when Napoleon's disasters commenced, and the Eastern States were threatening to dissolve the union, Madison expressed a wish to treat with England, even at the end of 1813. The negotiations were commenced in earnest at Ghent, in August, 1814, at a time when Great Britain, being at peace with the remainder of the world, was in a condition to prosecute the contest with all her energies; but her people wished for repose after the long and arduous struggle in which they had been engaged; and a treaty of peace, signed at Ghent on the 24th of December, was ratified by the two governments, the plenipotentiaries on both sides waiving every question at issue before the war, and restoring every acquisition of territory during its progress. Thus the Americans had only the Canadian and defenceless side of the Detroit to give in exchange for their fortress of Niagara and their key possession of Michilimakinack.

Early in 1815, Sir George Prevost was directed to return to England for the purpose of meeting accusations relative to his conduct at Plattsburg, which had been preferred by Commodore Sir James Yeo, who, after some delay, produced his charges in legal form; and to afford time for the arrival of the necessary witnesses from Canada, the general court martial was postponed to the 12th of January, 1816. In the mean time the health of the late governor-general, naturally of a delicate cast, became seriously affected, partly from anxiety of mind, and he died in London on the 5th of January, exactly a week preceding the day appointed for his trial. Previously to his departure from Lower Canada, the commons, or French party, voted him the sum of L5,000 for the purchase of a service of plate, as a tribute of respect, which vote was approved of by the prince regent; but the legislative council, or English party, refused their assent to a bill for that purpose.

Sir George Prevost was of slight, diminutive person, and unsoldierlike appearance; his manners are represented as unassuming and social, and his temper as placid and forgiving. His public speeches or addresses are said to have partaken of even classical elegance, and his dispatches and general orders also afford proofs of his literary acquirements. Discredit can only be thrown on his character as a general; and indeed his best friends must admit that his defensive policy at the commencement of the war, and his subsequent irresolution and infirmity of purpose, did not tend to raise the glory of England, or to advance his own fame, and that of every enterprizing officer who served under him. And yet soon after his death, notwithstanding that the lamentable failures at Sackett's Harbour and Plattsburg were fresh in the public recollection, new and honorary armorial bearings, with supporters, were solicited and obtained by his family in seeming approbation of his services in Canada, the supporters being two grenadiers of the 16th foot, of which regiment Sir George was colonel, each bearing a flag, gules; the dexter flag inscribed, "West Indies"—the sinister, "Canada"! If these distinctions were conferred in honor of his civil administration, which we have already eulogized, although Veritas, in his well-known letters, stoutly denied him any merit even on this point, they were, we believe, justly bestowed; but if they were intended as an approval of his military conduct during the contest, certain it is that his contemporaries indignantly refused to concede his claim to them, and that no historian has as yet admitted that claim.[133] It was unfortunate for Sir George that he was called upon to wage war against the United States, as his natural and excusable sympathies in favor of a people among whom he had been born, and at least partly educated, may have influenced his judgment without any conscious betrayal of the great charge entrusted to him; and this remark applies with double force to his school-fellow, Sir Roger Sheaffe, whose entire family and connexions were American. In any case, it was hard on Sir Isaac Brock, after being retained in Canada by Sir James Craig, when he was so anxious to serve in the Peninsula, because that officer could not spare him, and after at length obtaining leave to return to Europe for that purpose—it was hard, we repeat, when hostilities did at last break out in America, that his energies should have been so cramped by the passive attitude of his superior. Remembering, however, the maxim, de mortuis nil nisi bonum, the editor has refrained from transcribing aught reflecting on the memory of that superior when he could do so consistently with truth, although he feels acutely that the death of Sir Isaac Brock—hastened as he believes it was by the defensive policy and mistaken views of Sir George Prevost—was an irreparable loss to his many brothers,[134] who were at that period just rising into manhood, and in consequence required all the interest for their advancement which their uncle would probably have possessed. One especially, who closely resembled him both in appearance and character, and who would have been an ornament to any service, was compelled to embrace the profession of arms, for which he had been educated, under the banners of a foreign and far distant country. In that country, Chile, Colonel Tupper cruelly fell at the early age of twenty-nine years; and if the reader will turn to the memoir of this daring soldier in the Appendix, necessarily brief as it is, he will probably agree with the British consul who wrote, that he had "for many years looked upon his gallant and honorable conduct as reflecting lustre upon the English name;" and he will think with the French traveller, who, after highly eulogizing him, said: "N'est-il pas deplorable que de tels hommes en soient reduits a se consacrer a une cause etrangere?"

* * * * *

As Tecumseh was so conspicuous in the annals of this war for his fidelity and devotion to the British crown, and as his name has occurred so often in these pages,[135] a concluding and connected notice of him will surely be deemed but an act of justice to his memory.

This renowned aboriginal chief was a Shawanee, and was born in 1769 or 1770, about the same year as his "brave brother warrior," Sir Isaac Brock. He may be said to have been inured to war from his infancy, as the Indian nations continued in hostility against the United States after their independence was achieved, alleging that they infringed on their territories. In 1790, about which period Tecumseh first gave proofs of that talent and daring which so distinguished his after-life, General Harmer was dispatched with a competent force to punish the predatory incursions of the Indians; but he was glad to return, with the loss of many of his men. In the following year, General St. Clair proceeded with another army to ravage the Miami and Shawanee settlements, and was even more unfortunate than his predecessor, as the Indians boldly advanced to meet him on the way, attacked his encampment, and put his troops to a total rout, in which the greater part were cut off and destroyed. In 1794, however, a much more formidable expedition, under General Wayne, entered the Indian territory; the warriors gradually retired as the Americans advanced, but at length imprudently determined on making a stand. In the battle which ensued, the Indians were so completely discomfited, that, the following year, they agreed to the treaty of Greenville, by which they were compelled to cede a large tract of country as an indemnity for past injuries! As Tecumseh had then scarcely completed his twenty-fifth year, and as the Indians pay great deference to age, it is not probable that he had any hand in this treaty, the more especially as, from that period to 1812, he laboured incessantly to unite the numerous aboriginal tribes of the North American continent in one grand confederacy, for the threefold purpose of endeavouring to regain their former possessions as far as the Ohio, of resisting the further encroachments of the whites, and of preventing the future cession of land by any one tribe, without the sanction of all, obtained in a general council. With this object he visited the different nations; and having assembled the elders, he enforced his disinterested views in strains of such impassioned and persuasive eloquence, that the greater part promised him their co-operation and assistance. But, to form a general alliance of so many and such various tribes, required a higher degree of patriotism and civilization than the Indians had attained. From the numbers, however, who ranged themselves with Tecumseh under the British standard; on the breaking out of the war in 1812, it is evident that he had acquired no little influence over them, and that his almost incredible exertions, both of mind and body, had not been altogether thrown away.

About the year 1804, the brother of Tecumseh proclaimed himself a prophet, who had been commanded by the Great Spirit, the Creator of the red, but not of the white, people, to announce to his children, that the misfortunes by which they had been assailed arose from their having abandoned the mode of life which He had prescribed to them. He declared that they must return to their primitive habits—relinquish the use of ardent spirits—and clothe themselves in skins, and not in woollens. His fame soon spread among the surrounding nations, and his power to perform miracles was generally believed. He was joined by many, and not a few came from a great distance, and cheerfully submitted to much hardship and fatigue, that they might behold the prophet, and then return. He first established himself at Greenville, within the boundary of the United States; but the inhabitants of Ohio becoming alarmed at the immense assemblage of Indians on their frontier, the American authorities insisted on his removal. Accordingly, he proceeded, in 1808, to the Wabash, and fixed his residence on the northern bank of that river, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe. Here his popularity declined, but, through the influence of Tecumseh, he was again joined by many among the neighbouring tribes. The prophet's temporal concerns were conducted by Tecumseh, who adroitly availed himself of his brother's spiritual power to promote his favourite scheme of a general confederacy.

In 1811, Tecumseh, accompanied by several hundred warriors, encamped near Vincennes, the capital of Indiana, and demanded an interview with the governor of that state, Major-General Harrison, the same officer who, in 1813, commanded the victorious troops at the battle of the Thames, in which Tecumseh lost his life. The interview was agreed to, and the governor inquired whether the Indians intended to come armed to the council. Tecumseh replied that he would be governed by the conduct of the white people; if they came armed, his warriors would be armed also; if not, his followers would come unarmed. The governor informed him that he would be attended by a troop of dragoons, dismounted, with their side arms only, and that the Indians might bring their war clubs and tomahawks. The meeting took place in a large arbour, on one side of which were the dragoons, eighty in number, seated in rows; on the other the Indians. But besides their sabres, the dragoons were armed with pistols. The following incident is said to have occurred at this interview. Tecumseh looked round for a seat, but not finding one provided for him, he betrayed his surprise, and his eyes flashed fire. The governor, perceiving the cause, instantly ordered a chair. One of the council offered the warrior his chair, and, bowing respectfully, said to him: "Warrior, your father, General Harrison, offers you a seat." "My father!" exclaimed Tecumseh, extending his hand towards the heavens, "the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother; she gives me nourishment, and I will repose on her bosom." He then threw himself on the ground. When the governor, who was seated in front of the dragoons, commenced his address, Tecumseh declared that he could not hear him, and requested him to remove his seat to an open space near himself, The governor complied, and in his speech complained of the constant depredations and murders which were committed by the Indians of Tippecanoe; of the refusal on their part to give up the criminals; and of the increasing accumulation of force in that quarter, for the avowed purpose of compelling the United States to relinquish lands, which they had fairly purchased of the rightful owners. Tecumseh, in his answer, denied that he had afforded protection to the guilty, but manfully admitted his design of forming a confederacy of all the red nations of that continent. He observed, that "the system, which the United States pursued of purchasing lands from the Indians, he viewed as a mighty water, ready to overflow his people, and that the confederacy which he was forming among the tribes, to prevent any tribe from selling land without the consent of the others, was the dam he was erecting, to resist this mighty water." And he added, "your great father, the president, may sit over the mountains and drink his wine, but if he continue this policy, you and I will have to meet on the battle field." He also admitted, that he was then on his way to the Creek nation, for the purpose he had just avowed, and he continued his journey two days after, with twelve or fifteen of his warriors. Having visited the Creek and other southern tribes, he crossed the Mississippi, and continued a northern course as far as the river Demoins, whence he returned to the Wabash by land. But a sad reverse of fortune awaited his return; he found his town consumed, his bravest warriors slain, and a large deposit of provisions destroyed. On his departure, the settlement at Tippecanoe was left in charge of his brother, the prophet, with strict injunctions to prevent all hostile incursions, as they might lead to extremities before his plans were matured. The prophet, however, wanted either the inclination or the authority to follow these injunctions; and the Americans assert, that murder and rapine occurred now so frequently, that they were compelled, in their own defence, to punish the delinquents. Accordingly, General Harrison proceeded with nearly 1,000 men to Tippecanoe, and on his approach, in November, 1811, was met by about 600 warriors; a battle ensued, in which the Indians, deprived by the absence of their chief of his counsel and example, were defeated, but with nearly equal loss on both sides. Assured by the prophet that the American bullets would not injure them, they rushed on the bayonets with their war clubs, and exposed their persons with a fatal fearlessness. But the prophet himself remained during the battle in security on an adjacent eminence; he was chaunting a war song, when information was brought to him that his men were falling. "Let them fight on, for my prediction will soon be verified," was the substance of his reply, and he resumed his song in a louder key!

The hostility of Tecumseh to those whom he had ever considered as the spoilers of his country, was, if possible, redoubled by this severe act of retaliation. General Harrison, in particular, incurred his personal enmity, and he declared openly that he would seek for vengeance. Nor was he backward in putting his threats into execution. Early in 1812, the Indians renewed their hostile incursions, but they were now treated with unusual forbearance, in the hope that they would remain neutral in the war with Great Britain, which the American government well knew was near at hand. On its declaration in June, however, Tecumseh eagerly embraced the opportunity which it afforded, not only to promote his long meditated public views, but to avenge his private injuries; and, hastening with his warriors to Upper Canada, he had soon the gratification of witnessing, at Detroit, the surrender of the 4th U.S. infantry, (or heroes of Tippecanoe, as they were then denominated,) which regiment claimed the principal merit of having, the preceding year, defeated his followers and destroyed his settlement.

Previously to the battle of the Thames, already noticed, the position chosen to await the attack of the American army, and the disposition of the British force, were approved of by Tecumseh, and his last words to General Proctor were: "Father, tell your young men to be firm, and all will be well." He then repaired to his people, and harangued them before they occupied their post. While the white troops were so quickly overcome, Tecumseh and his warriors almost as rapidly repelled the enemy; and the Indians continued to push their advantage in ignorance of the disaster of their allies, until their heroic chief fell by a rifle bullet, while in the act of advancing to close with Colonel Johnson, who was on horseback commanding his regiment of mounted riflemen.

Of the many Indian chiefs who distinguished themselves in the wars of the whites, Tecumseh was undoubtedly the greatest since the days of Pontiac. Sir Isaac Brock has expressed his warm admiration of him, and it is well known that the feeling was mutual; but it is said that after the death of his friend and patron, Tecumseh found no kindred spirit with whom to act. In early life he was addicted to inebriety, the prevailing vice of the Indians, but his good sense and resolution conquered the habit, and, in his later years, he was remarkable for temperance. Glory became his ruling passion, and in its acquisition he was careless of wealth, as, although his presents and booty must have been of considerable value, he preserved little or nothing for himself. In height he was five feet ten inches, well formed, and capable of enduring fatigue in an extraordinary degree. His carriage was erect and commanding, and there was an air of hauteur in his countenance, arising from an elevated pride of soul, which did not forsake it when life was extinct. He was habitually taciturn, but, when excited, his eloquence was nervous, concise, and figurative. His dress was plain, and he was never known to indulge in the gaudy decoration of his person, which is the common practice of the Indians. On the day of his death, he wore a dressed deer skin coat and pantaloons. He was present in almost every action against the Americans, from the period of Harmer's defeat to the battle of the Thames—was several times wounded—and always sought the hottest of the fire. On the 19th July, 1812, he pursued, near Sandwich, a detachment of the American army under Colonel M'Arthur, and fired on the rear guard. The colonel suddenly faced about his men and gave orders for a volley, when all the Indians fell flat on the ground with the exception of Tecumseh, who stood firm on his feet, with apparent unconcern! After his fall, his lifeless corpse was viewed with great interest by the American officers, who declared that the contour of his features was majestic even in death. And notwithstanding, it is said by an American writer, that "some of the Kentuckians disgraced themselves by committing indignities on his dead body. He was scalped, and otherwise disfigured." He left a son, who fought by his side when he fell, and was then about seventeen years old. The prince regent, in 1814, as a mark of respect to the memory of the father, sent a handsome sword as a present to the son. A nephew of Tecumseh and of the prophet, (their sister's son,) who was highly valued by the Americans, was slain in their service, in November, 1812, on the northern bank of the river Miami. Having been brought up by the American general, Logan, he had adopted that officer's name. He asserted that Tecumseh had in vain sought to engage him in the war on the side of the British.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 118: "But General Sheaffe, like his superior, was a lover of armistices, and after the action he concluded one of his own with the American general, for which no reason, civil or military, was ever assigned."—Quarterly Review, April and July, 1822; article, "Campaigns in the Canadas."]

[Footnote 119: From an American work,—Major-General James Wilkinson's "Memoirs of my own Time," published in 1816.—ED.]

[Footnote 120: "But the most fatal and palpable error of the commander-in-chief was his neglect to preserve that ascendancy on Lakes Erie and Ontario which was actually enjoyed by the British at the opening of the contest. The command of these lakes is so evidently an object of primary consideration in the defence of the Canadas, that it is perfectly inconceivable how any man in Sir George Prevost's situation could have been so infatuated as to disregard the importance of maintaining his superiority!"—Quarterly Review.]

[Footnote 121: "General Sheaffe has been much blamed, first for the injudicious position of the troops, by which the grenadier company of the 8th regiment, who behaved with great gallantry, were exposed to be cut to pieces in a wood, and again for not returning to the attack, after the explosion of a powder magazine had destroyed 250 of the enemy, and thrown them into confusion."—Quarterly Review.]

[Footnote 122: Pictorial History of England.]

[Footnote 123: Extract from the Pictorial History of England.]

[Footnote 124: "Sir George Prevost was beyond all doubt the immediate commander of this expedition. But he found it convenient not to appear in that character; and the only detail of operations was in the shape of a dispatch from his adjutant-general to himself, obligingly communicating what was already sufficiently known to him. By this ingenious device, he in some measure averted the exposure of miscarriage from himself, and generously yielded his laurels, such as they were, to his grateful and submissive follower."—Quarterly Review.]

[Footnote 125: "The reader now sees the fatal consequences; first, of not having, in the autumn of 1812, destroyed the two or three schooners which were equipping at Buffaloe by Lieutenant Elliott; secondly, of not having, in the spring of 1813, secured the possession of Sackett's Harbour; thirdly, of not having, in the summer of the same year, captured or destroyed the whole American fleet, as it lay, unmanned, in Presqu'ile Harbour."—James' Military Occurrences.]

[Footnote 126: The present Major-General Sir John Harvey, K.C.B.]

[Footnote 127: While the Americans retained Fort George, the graves of Sir Isaac Brock and Lieut.-Colonel M'Donell, in the cavalier bastion there, remained sacred, and were also respected.]

[Footnote 128: It strikes us as singular that Captain Roberts was not promoted to at least a brevet majority for the capture of this important post, although he had an overwhelming force, and took it without resistance. Was this promotion withheld because the capture was effected contrary to Sir George Prevost's orders?]

[Footnote 129: "The land, in the centre of this island, is high, and its form somewhat resembles that of a turtle's back. Mackinac, or Mickinac, signifies a turtle, and michi (mishi), or missi, signifies great, as it does also, several, or many. The common interpretation of the word Michilimakinac, is the Great Turtle."—Henry's Travels and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Territories, between the years 1760 and 1776.]

[Footnote 130: James' Military Occurrences.]

[Footnote 131: Pictorial History of England.]

[Footnote 132: John Grahame, of Claverhouse, was mortally wounded at the pass of Killicrankie, in 1689, and died the next day. With him expired the cause of James the Second in Scotland, as, although the war languished in the highlands for two years after, nothing of importance occurred. When William was urged to send more troops into Scotland, he replied: "It is unnecessary, the war has ended with Dundee's life."]

[Footnote 133: While these remarks-were in type, we heard accidentally of a large monument, in the cathedral at Winchester, to the memory of Sir George Prevost, with a laudatory inscription, for a copy of which we immediately wrote to a friend, and which we now transcribe without comment, as we respect the feelings of conjugal affection by which the epitaph was evidently dictated. "Sacred to the memory of Lieut.-General Sir George Prevost, Baronet, of Belmont, in this County, Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of the British Forces in North America; in which command, by his wise and energetic measures, and with a very inferior force, he preserved the Canadas to the British Crown from the repeated invasions of a powerful enemy. His constitution at length sank under incessant mental and bodily exertion, in discharging the duties of that arduous station; and having returned to England, he died shortly afterwards in London, on the 5th of January, 1816, aged 48, thirty-four years of which had been devoted to the service of his Country. He was intered near the remains of his father, Major-General Augustus Prevost, at East Barnet, in Hertfordshire. His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, to evince in an especial manner the sense he entertained of his distinguished conduct and services during a long period of constant active employment, in stations of great trust, both Military and Civil, was pleased to ordain, as a lasting Memorial of His Majesty's Royal Favor, that the names of the Countries where his Courage and Abilities had been most signally displayed—the West Indies and Canada—should be inscribed on the Banners of the Supporters, granted to be borne by his Family and Descendants. In testimony of his Private Worth, his Piety, Integrity and Benevolence, and all those tender, domestic virtues, which endeared him to his Family, his Children, his Friends, and his Dependants, as well as to prove her unfeigned Love, Gratitude, and Respect, Catherine Anne Prevost, his afflicted Widow, caused this Monument to be Erected. Anno Domini 1819." ]

[Footnote 134: Including the editor, ten; viz. two died young, of scarlet fever, and were buried in the same coffin; two drowned at different times; two slain; two died at sea, while passengers on board his majesty's packets from Rio de Janeiro to Falmouth, on the same day of the same month (15th August) in different years, 1833 and 1837! and only two still survive.]

[Footnote 135: See pages 222, 223, 227, 238, 307, 339, 360, 364 and 366.]



CHAPTER XVI.

Thomas Porter, a faithful servant of Sir Isaac Brock, was sent to England with his effects, and at the request of the family, was discharged from the 49th regiment, in which he was borne as a soldier, and in which he had an only brother, their father having been killed, while also in the regiment, on board the Monarch, at Copenhagen. The Commander-in-chief readily sanctioned the discharge of Porter, "as a small tribute to the memory of a most gallant and valuable officer."

His Royal Highness the Duke of York to W. Brock, Esq.

HORSE GUARDS, December, 1815.

The prince regent having been graciously pleased to command, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, that the officers present at the capture of Detroit should be permitted to bear a medal commemorative of that brilliant victory, I have to transmit to you the medal[136] which would have been conferred upon the late Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, and which the prince regent has been pleased to direct should be deposited with his family, as a token of the respect which his royal highness entertains for the memory of that officer.

I am, Sir, yours, FREDERICK, Commander-in-Chief.

In the year 1817, Mr. Savery Brock visited the United States and Canada, and, while in the latter country, received the grants of the 12,000 acres of land voted by the legislature of the Upper Province to the four brothers of Sir Isaac Brock, The letters written by him during his travels were highly prized at the time, and the following are brief extracts from them:

YORK, Upper Canada, Aug. 20 to 25, 1817.

I travelled with three gentlemen from New York as far as Fort George, where they left me on their return by Montreal. We crossed at Buffalo on the 9th instant, at which place we arrived half an hour before the President; and although one of our party (Mr. Gouverneur) was his nephew, we did not delay our journey to have a view of his countenance, and came over to Fort Erie, or, properly speaking, its remains. Seven miles from the Fort, we stopped the next morning to breakfast at a house where Isaac had lived six months, and the landlord told me with tears: "He was a friend and a father to me. I was close to him when he was shot;"—with these words, unable from his feelings to add more, he walked away quickly up his orchard.... On paying my respects to Mrs. Powell, the lady of the present chief justice, and to Mrs. Claus, they were greatly affected, and shed tears; and Mr. Scott, on whom I called yesterday, was equally so. Every one here is most kind—Isaac truly lived in their hearts: from one end of Canada to the other, he is beloved to a degree you can scarcely imagine—his memory will long live among them. "To your brother, Sir, we are indebted for the preservation of this province," is a sentiment that comes from the heart, and is in the mouths of too many to be flattery. This is pleasing, no doubt, to me, but it is a mournful pleasure, and recalls to me the past. I dine at five with the gentlemen of this town, and I see a splendid table laid out up stairs—the garrison is invited. I found no way to avoid these marks of respect to Isaac's memory. I assure you that it is truly unpleasant to me to see so many persons putting themselves in some degree out of their way to gratify me, as I think it, though I am aware they do it to satisfy their own feelings. I should also mention, that last Saturday I dined at Fort George, by invitation of the gentlemen there and its environs; we were forty-nine in number, and it was the anniversary of the capture of Detroit. I was invited, without their remembering the day of the month—it was a curious coincidence. The clergyman, who was of the party, made allusion during divine service next morning to Isaac, and to my being in the church. I mention these particulars, that you may fully judge of the kindness of all. After the service, three fine young farmers came up to me and wished to shake hands, having been at Detroit and Queenstown. Nothing could exceed their marks of attachment. Every body, they said, connected with Isaac would always be seen with pleasure: they were, like myself, most sensibly affected.

I hear of such misconduct on the part of most of the generals, of such negligence that was occasioned by it on the part of other officers, that it is only surprising we retained the country. Every general required so much urging to permit an attack, that it was really a favor for any enterprising officer, who grieved that nothing was done, to be allowed a handful of men to defeat the enemy with. Poor York! how miserably defended; but I shall not enter into particulars, as no interest is now entertained for these affairs.

MONTREAL, October 24.

I have had 7,000 acres granted in East and West Flamborough, at the head of Lake Ontario, about twelve miles from its margin; this is the best of our land, but not a house within eight or nine miles of it; 1,200 acres in Brock township, on Lake Simcoe; 3,000 acres in Monaghan, on the Rice Lake; and 800 acres in Murray, on Lake Ontario.

The principal gentlemen of this place have formed a committee of eight persons, and waited on me to fix a day to dine with them. Tuesday is named. So very civil is every one, that I am quite overcome with their politeness. Colonel M'Bean, of the 99th, and all his officers, have also called. Isaac's memory is so cherished—all loved him sincerely. At Quebec, I dined with Sir John Sherbrooke, &c, visited the falls of Montmorenci, &c, and was much pleased with my trip there.

Extract from the Montreal Herald of November 1, 1817.

On Tuesday, the 28th ultimo, the principal inhabitants of Montreal gave a public dinner at the Mansion House, to John Savery Brock, Esq., of the island of Guernsey, as a tribute of respect justly due to the memory of his late brother, the deceased Major-General Sir Isaac Brock.

Sir John Johnson, Bart., took the chair at six o'clock, supported by Messrs. Forsyth and St. Dizier, vice-presidents, who conducted the arrangements of the table in a manner worthy of the occasion which the company had assembled to commemorate.

After the cloth was removed, a series of appropriate toasts were given from the chair. When "the memory of the late Major-General Sir Isaac Brock" was pledged and drunk, Mr. B. availed himself of the universal silence it created to address the company. In a short speech, he expressed his acknowledgments for the very flattering and distinguished manner they were pleased, through him, to testify their veneration for the memory of his deceased brother, whose public and private qualities, he was proud to observe, were so highly appreciated by the inhabitants of Montreal, in whose society he had for a period been domesticated, and of whose kindness and hospitality he always retained a grateful remembrance.

At the commencement of the American war, Mr. B. observed, an arduous command devolved upon his brother; he had to protect an extensive frontier with very limited means, and those means, feeble as they were, shackled by the trammels of superior authority; the advance of an hostile army, however, upon our provincial territory, developed the resources of his military genius, and afforded him a glorious opportunity of proving to his country what he might have achieved under different circumstances. Mr. Brock apologized to the company for detaining them a few minutes longer, in reading some extracts of letters he had received from the late general, at different times, previous to the battle of Queenstown. These extracts corroborated what Mr. B. had previously stated; and it is remarkable that in one of them, with a spirit almost prophetic, the hero foretold the issue of that eventful day, when the hand of victory was destined to mingle the cypress and the laurel over his grave. Mr. Brock's feelings were a good deal affected in addressing so numerous an assemblage of his late brother's personal friends; and we may venture to add, that never were feelings of the same description more sacredly participated than those of Mr. B. on this occasion. Mr. B. concluded his speech by drinking the health of the company, and "success and prosperity to the city of Montreal."

At eleven o'clock the president retired, and was succeeded in the chair by the Hon. W. M'Gillivray, who immediately proposed the health of the worthy baronet, with three times three.

The band of the 99th regiment attended and played a variety of beautiful airs, which, in addition to a number of excellent songs given in the coarse of the evening, seduced the party to remain until the "little hours" stole upon them.

We regret that want of room prevents us from noticing as we could wish the neat and soldierlike address of thanks from Lieut.-Colonel M'Bean, on behalf of the garrison of Montreal, or of recording a translation of the figurative speeches, delivered in the Indian language by Lieut.-Colonel M'Kay[137] and A. Shaw, Esq., excited from those gentlemen by a recurrence to the co-operation of the gallant warrior, Tecumseh, with the lamented chief whose immortal memory forms the subject of this article.

Irving Brock, Esq., to his niece, Miss Caroline Tupper.[138]

LONDON, April 12, 1825.

I went to Windsor on Wednesday last with the four Indians, accompanied by my friend Mr. W——, to show them the castle, Frogmore, &c.; but the chief object, which I had secretly in mind, was to have them introduced to his majesty. Sir John C——, the late mayor of Windsor, assisted me very effectually, and the upshot of the matter is, that the king expressed his desire to see the Indian chiefs, although every body treated this as a most chimerical idea. They wore, for the first time, the brilliant clothes which Mr. Butterworth had had made for them, and you cannot conceive how grand and imposing they appeared.

The king appointed half-past one on Thursday to receive our party at the royal lodge, his place of residence. We were ushered into the library; and now I am going to say somewhat pleasing to your uncle Savery. As Sir John C—— was in the act of introducing me, but before he had mentioned my name, Sir Andrew Barnard[139] interrupted him, and said: "There is no occasion to introduce me to that gentleman,—I know him to be General Brock's brother,—he and Colonel Brock, of the 81st, were my most intimate friends,—I was in the 81st with the colonel. There was another brother whom I knew,—he who was paymaster of the 49th,—he was a gallant fellow. By the bye, sir, I beg your pardon; perhaps I am speaking to that very gentleman."

In the library there was also present Marquess Conyngham, Lord Mount Charles, Sir Edmund Nagle, &c. &c. We remained chatting in the house above half an hour, expecting every moment to see the king enter; and I was greatly amused to observe Mr. W—— and Sir John C—— start and appear convulsed every time there was a noise outside the door. We were admiring the fine lawn when the Marquess Conyngham asked the Indians if they would like to take a turn, at the same time opening the beautiful door that leads to it. The party was no sooner out than we saw the king standing quite still, and as erect as a grenadier on a field day, some forty yards from us. We were all immediately uncovered, and advanced slowly towards the handsomest, the most elegant, the most enchanting man in the kingdom; the Indians conducted by Marquess Conyngham, Sir Edmund Nagle, Sir Andrew Barnard, Lord Mount Charles, &c. &c. The range of balconies was filled with ladies. Sir John C——, Mr. W—— and I, allowed the party to approach his majesty, while we modestly halted at a distance of twenty yards. It was worth while being there only to see the benign countenance of the greatest monarch in the world, and to witness his manner of uncovering his head. The four chiefs fell on their knees. The king desired them to rise, and entered into a great deal of preliminary conversation. I saw him turn towards the marquess, and after a few seconds he said, with his loud and sonorous voice: "Pray, Mr. Brock, come near me,—I pray you come near me." I felt a little for my companions who continued unnoticed, and especially for Sir John C——, to whom I was principally indebted for the royal interview.

The king addressed the Indians in French, very distinctly, fluently, and loud: "I observe you have the portrait of my father; will you permit me to present you with mine?" The marquess then produced four large and weighty gold coronation peer medallions of his majesty, suspended by a rich mazareen blue silk riband. The chiefs, seeing this, dropped again upon their knees, and the king took the four medallions successively into his hand, and said: "Will some gentleman have the goodness to tie this behind?"—upon which Sir Edmund Nagle, with whom we had been condoling on account of the gout, while waiting in the library, and who wore a list shoe, skipped nimbly behind the chiefs, and received the string from the king, tying the cordon on the necks of the four chiefs. We were much amused to observe how the royal word can dispel the gout. The instant the grand chief was within reach of the medallion, and before the investiture was completed, he seized the welcome present with the utmost earnestness, and kissed it with an ardour which must have been witnessed to be conceived. The king appeared sensibly affected by this strong and unequivocal mark of grateful emotion. The other chiefs acted in a similar way, and nothing could have been managed more naturally, or in better taste. After this ceremony, the king desired them to rise and to be covered. They put on their hats, and which appeared extraordinary to me, his majesty remained uncovered all the time. Here it was that the grand chief, as if incapable of repressing his feelings, poured out in a most eloquent manner, by voice and action, the following unpremeditated speech in his native Indian tongue. I say unpremeditated, because that fine allusion to the sun could not have been contemplated while we were waiting in the library, the room where we expected the interview to take place. I was pleased to find that the presence of this mighty sovereign, who governs the most powerful nation upon earth, did not drive from the thoughts of the pious chief, the King of kings and the Lord of lords.

The instant he had finished, the chief of the warriors interpreted in the French language, and I wrote down the speech as soon as I left the royal lodge. It should be observed, that the chiefs had been previously informed by me that, according to etiquette, they should answer any questions which his majesty might be pleased to ask, but not introduce any conversation of their own. The sun was shining vividly.

THE SPEECH.

I was instructed not to speak in the royal presence, unless in answer to your majesty's questions. But my feelings overpower me. My heart is full. I am amazed at such unexpected grace and condescension, and cannot doubt that I shall be pardoned for expressing my gratitude. The sun is shedding his genial rays upon our heads. He reminds us of the great Creator of the universe—of Him who can make alive and who can kill. Oh! may that gracious and beneficent Being, who promises to answer the fervent prayers of his people, bless abundantly your majesty. May He grant you much bodily health, and, for the sake of your happy subjects, may He prolong your valuable life! It is not alone the four individuals, who now stand before your majesty, who will retain to the end of their lives a sense of this kind and touching reception—the whole of the nations, whose representatives we are, will ever love and be devoted to you, their good and great father.

His majesty felt deeply every word of the speech, when interpreted by the chief of the warriors. The king answered, that he derived high satisfaction from the sentiments they had expressed, and assured them that he should always be much interested in the happiness of his North American subjects, and would avail himself of every opportunity to promote their welfare, and to prove that he was indeed their father. After acknowledging in gracious terms the pleasure which the speech of the grand chief had afforded him, he mentioned, in an easy and affable manner, that he had once before in his life seen some individuals of the Indian nations, but that was fifty-five or fifty-six years ago. He inquired of their passage to this country, the name of the ship and of the master, and was persevering in his questions as to the treatment they had experienced at his hands, whether they had been made comfortable in all respects, and if he had been polite and attentive.

While the grand chief was delivering his speech in the Huron language, it seemed as if it would never end, and, observing the king look a little surprised, I informed the Marquess Conyngham, in a loud whisper, that this was the mode in which they expressed their sense of any honor conferred, and that the chief of the warriors would interpret the speech in the French language. The king asked me to repeat what I had been saying, and George and Irving conversed for some time. His majesty, on another occasion, asked me under what circumstances the Indians had been introduced to me. I answered that they were recommended to my notice, because they had been invested with the medallions of his late majesty by my brother.

His majesty hoped the Indians had seen every thing remarkable in Windsor, and told us we were welcome to see the interior of the lodge and pleasure grounds, that Sir Andrew Barnard would accompany us everywhere, to his stables, menagerie, aviaries, &c., and afterwards he trusted we would partake of some refreshment. He also offered us the use of his carriages. The refreshment was a truly royal repast,—we eat on silver,—the table groaned, as Mr. Heathfield would say, under the king's hospitality. We made a famous dinner,—pine apple, champagne, claret, &c.—servants in royal liveries behind our chairs. After dinner the Indians gave us the war song, when, (in your uncle Savery's poetry about Maria Easy,)

"Tho' the dogs ran out in a great fright, The ladies rushed in with much delight."

[NOTE.—These four Indians came to England for the purpose of endeavouring to recover lands which had been given to their tribe by Louis the Sixteenth, but it appears that they did not succeed. They were very pious Roman Catholics, and those who saw them were much amused with their simple and primitive manners.—ED.]

* * * * *

Extract of a Letter from Walter Bromley, Esq., dated London, 15th April, 1825.—From a Halifax N.S. newspaper.

[The Indian chief, who accompanied me to England, sailed in the Ward, for New Brunswick, a few days ago, loaded with presents to his family and people. I think his appearance here has been more beneficial than if volumes had been printed on Indian civilization, and I am in hope that on both sides of the Atlantic a general sympathy has been excited. The four Canadian chiefs have attracted much attention, and have been presented to his majesty by the brother of the late General Brock; they are the most interesting characters I ever saw—are extremely polite—and speak French fluently.]

Mrs. (Lieut.-Colonel) Eliot[140] to her sister, in Guernsey.

QUEBEC, January 12, 1831.

With my kindest love to the Tuppers, tell them that I often see Colonel Glegg, who was Sir Isaac Brock's aide-de-camp: he is now Lord Aylmer's civil secretary, and we meet very often. He speaks affectionately of his old patron, and has made many inquiries relative to the family: the tears come into his eyes when he talks to me of old times. He and George (Lieut.-Colonel Eliot) were a great deal together during the war in the Upper Province. The other day, at dinner at the chateau, he told me that he had had a visit from Sir Isaac's old housekeeper, who is still living here in a similar situation to the House of Assembly, and gets L50 a year salary. He knew her directly, and seemed quite affected when telling me that she had brought her credentials with her in case he had not recognized her, as many years had elapsed since they met; and she opened a pocket book carefully, which she had in her hand, and took a piece of a shirt with the initials of General Brock's name, which she said she had cut off when the body was brought in to be buried at Fort George, and preserved it as a relic of her dear master. This little, trifling, affectionate remembrance of the old creature, shews her real attachment. Colonel Glegg gave her a new snuff box, filled with snuff from Paris, and told her to come again to see him. Perhaps the Tuppers will be pleased to hear this little anecdote.

[Mrs. Eliot, whose maiden name was Jane M'Crea, is the daughter of an American loyalist and a gallant field officer, now deceased, and the niece and namesake of the unfortunate Jane M'Crea, whose tragical fate in the American revolutionary war excited so much commiseration, and gave rise to a correspondence between the American general. Gates, and General Burgoyne. The former wrote: "Miss M'Crea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged to an officer of your army, was, with other women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shocking manner.... The miserable fate of Miss M'Crea was particularly aggravated by being dressed to receive her promised husband, but met her murderer employed by you." The latter, in his reply, stated, that "two chiefs, who had brought her off for the purpose of security, not of violence to her person, disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman became the victim."]

We have in a preceding chapter described the monument, on Queenstown Heights, to the memory of Sir Isaac Brock, a monument which "the popularity of the general had caused to be regarded with more affectionate veneration than any other structure in the province." On Good Friday, the 17th of April, 1840,[141] a miscreant of the name of Lett introduced a quantity of gunpowder into this monument with the fiendish purpose of destroying it; and the explosion, effected by a train, caused so much damage as to render the column altogether irreparable. Lett, who was by birth an Irishman and by settlement a Canadian, had been compelled to fly into the United States for his share in the recent rebellion; and "well knowing the feeling of attachment to the name and memory of General Brock, as pervading all classes of Canadians, he sought to gratify his own malicious and vindictive spirit, and at the same time to wound and insult the people of Upper Canada" by this demon's deed. The universal indignation of that people was aroused, and a public meeting was appointed to be held on Queenstown Heights, on the 30th of July following, for the purpose of adopting resolutions for the erection of another monument, the gallant Sir Allan Mac Nab especially making the most stirring exertions to promote this great object. The gathering, as it was called, was observed in Toronto (late York) as a solemn holiday; the public offices were closed, and all business was suspended; while thousands flocked from every part of the province to testify their affection for the memory of one who, nearly thirty years before, had fallen in its defence! History, indeed, affords few parallels of such long cherished public attachment. "Steam vessels, engaged for the occasion, left their respective ports of Kingston and Coburg, of Hamilton and Toronto, in time to arrive at the entrance of the Niagara river about ten o'clock in the forenoon. The whole of these, ten in number, then formed in line, and ascended the river abreast, with the government steamer, containing the lieutenant-governor, Sir George Arthur, and his staff, leading the way. The British shore was lined with thousands, and the fleet of steamers filled with hundreds, each shouting and responding to the cheers of welcome from ship to shore, and from shore to ship again. The landing being effected, the march to the ground was accompanied by military guards, and a fine military band. The public meeting was then held in the open air, near the foot of the monument, and Sir George Arthur was in the chair. The resolutions were moved, and speeches made, by some of the most eminent and most eloquent men, holding high official stations in the province;[142] and considering that amidst this grand and imposing assemblage, there were a great number of veteran officers of the Canada militia, who had fought and bled with the lamented chief, whose memory they were assembled to honor, and whose monument they had come to re-establish over his remains, the enthusiasm with which the whole mass was animated may readily be conceived; while the grand and picturesque combination of natural objects of scenery, beheld from the heights on which they were met, and the brightness of the day, added greatly to the effect of the whole." The gathering[143] was attended by about 8,000 persons, and the animation of the scene was increased by a detachment of royal artillery, who fired a salute; by a detachment of the 1st dragoon guards, with their bright helmets glittering in the sun; and by the 93d regiment, (Highlanders,) in full costume.

There were altogether eleven resolutions, of which the fifth was the following:

Resolved,—That we recall to mind, with admiration and gratitude, the perilous times in which Sir Isaac Brock led the small regular force, the loyal and gallant militia, and the brave and faithful Indian warriors, to oppose the invaders—when his fortitude inspired courage, and his sagacious policy gave confidence, in despite of a hostile force, apparently overwhelming.

We cannot refrain from transferring to these pages parts of the long and eloquent speech of the chief justice, Robinson, who, on advancing to the front of the hustings to move the sixth resolution, was received with the most enthusiastic cheers.

If it were intended by those who committed this shameful outrage, that the injury should be irreparable, the scene which is now before us, on these interesting heights, shews that they little understood the feelings of veneration for the memory of BROCK which still dwell in the hearts of the people of Upper Canada. No man ever established a better claim to the affections of a country; and, in recalling the recollections of eight and twenty years, there is no difficulty in accounting for the feeling which has brought us together on this occasion. Among the many who are assembled here from all parts of this province, I know there are some who saw, as I did, with grief, the body of the lamented general borne from the field on which he fell—and many who witnessed, with me, the melancholy scene of his interment in one of the bastions of Fort George.[144] They can never, I am sure, forget the countenances of the soldiers of that gallant regiment which he had long commanded, when they saw deposited in the earth the lamented officer who had for so many years been their pride; they can never forget the feelings displayed by the loyal militia of this province, when they were consigning to the grave the noble hero who had so lately achieved a glorious triumph in the defence of their country: they looked forward to a dark and perilous future, and they felt that the earth was closing upon him in whom, more than in all other human means of defence, their confidence had been reposed. Nor can they forget the countenances, oppressed with grief, of those brave and faithful Indian warriors, who admired and loved the gallant Brock, who had bravely shared with him the dangers of that period, and who had most honorably distinguished themselves in the field, where he closed his short but brilliant career.

* * * * *

It has, I know, Sir, in the many years that have elapsed, been sometimes objected, that General Brock's courage was greater than his prudence—that his attack of Fort Detroit, though it succeeded, was most likely to have, failed, and was therefore injudicious—and that a similar rashness and want of cool calculation were displayed in the manner of his death.

Those who lived in Upper Canada while these events were passing, can form a truer judgment; they know that what may to some seem rashness, was, in fact, prudence; unless, indeed, the defence of Canada was to be abandoned, in the almost desperate circumstances in which General Brock was placed. He had with him but a handful of men, who had never been used to military discipline—few, indeed, that had ever seen actual service in the field; and he knew it must be some months before any considerable reinforcement could be sent to him. He felt, therefore, that if he could not impress upon the enemy this truth, that—wherever a major-general of the British army, with but a few gallant soldiers of the line, and of the brave defenders of the soil, could be assembled against them—they must retire from the land which they had invaded, his cause was hopeless. If he had begun to compare numbers, and had reserved his small force in order to make a safer effort on a future day, then would thousands upon thousands of the people of the neighbouring States have been found pouring into the western portions of this province; and when at last our mother country could send, as it was certain she would, her armies to our assistance, they would have had to expend their courage and their strength in taking one strong position after another, that had been erected by the enemy within our own territory.

And at the moment when the noble soldier fell, it is true, he fell in discharging a duty which might have been committed to a subordinate hand; true, he might have reserved himself for a more deliberate and stronger effort; but he felt that hesitation might be ruin—that all depended upon his example of dauntless courage—of fearless self-devotion. Had it pleased Divine Providence to spare his invaluable life, who will say that his effort would have failed? It is true his gallant course was arrested by a fatal wound—such is the fortune of war; but the people of Canada did not feel that his precious life was therefore thrown away, deeply as they deplored his fall. In later periods of the contest, it sometimes happened that the example of General Brock was not very closely followed. It was that cautious calculation, which some suppose he wanted, which decided the day against us at Sackett's Harbour—it was the same cautious calculation which decided the day at Plattsburg; but no monuments have been erected to record the triumphs of those fields—it is not thus that trophies are won.

The Hon. Mr. Justice Macaulay, in moving the third resolution, thus elegantly expressed himself:

It was not my good fortune to serve in the field under the illustrious Brock, but I was under his command for a short period, when commandant of the garrison of Quebec, thirty years ago, and well remember his congratulating me upon receiving a commission in the army, accompanied with good wishes for my welfare, which I shall never forget. I feel myself a humble subaltern still when called upon to address such an auditory, and upon such a topic as the memory of Brock. Looking at the animated mass covering these heights in 1840, to do further honour to the unfortunate victim of a war now old in history, one is prompted to ask, how it happens that the gallant general, who has so long slept the sleep of death, left the lasting impression on the hearts of his countrymen which this scene exhibits; how comes it that the fame of Brock thus floats down the stream of time, broad, deep, and fresh as the waters of the famed river with whose waters, it might be almost said, his life's blood mingled? In reply, we might dwell upon his civil and military virtues, his patriotic self-devotion, his chivalrous gallantry, and his triumphant achievements. (Here one of the auditors added, "and that he was an honest man"—an attribute most warmly responded to on every side, for an honest man is the noblest work of God.) Still it might be asked, What peculiar personal qualities predominated and gave him the talismanic influence and ascendancy over his fellow men, which he acquired and wielded for his country's good? I answer, Are there any seamen among you? (Yes, yes, answered from the crowd)—then I say it was the Nelsonian spirit that animated his breast; it was the mind intuitively to conceive, and the soul promptly to dare, incredible things to feeble hearts—with a skill and bearing which infused this chivalrous and enterprising spirit into all his followers, and impelled them energetically to realize whatever he boldly led the way to accomplish. It displayed itself too, not only in the ranks of the disciplined soldiers, but in those also of the untrained militia of Upper Canada, as was amply proved on this memorable ground. Such were the shining and conspicuous qualities of the man that have rendered very dear his memory and his fame. Gentlemen, the resolution which I hold in my hand is expressive of the indignation felt throughout the province at the lawless act, the effects of which are visible before us.

After the resolutions had been carried by acclamation, and the public proceedings had terminated, 600 persons sat down to dinner in a temporary pavilion erected on the spot where the hero fell, "Chief Justice Robinson presiding; and at this, as at the morning meeting, great eloquence was displayed in the speeches, great loyalty evinced in the feelings, and great enthusiasm prevailed." After the queen's health had been drunk, the chief justice rose and said:

I have now to propose the memory of the late gallant Sir Isaac Brock, of Colonel M'Donell, and those who fell with them on Queenstown Heights. That portion of you, gentlemen, who were inhabitants of Upper Canada while General Brock served in its defence, are at no loss to account for the enthusiastic affection with which his memory is cherished among us. It was not merely on account of his intrepid courage and heroic firmness, neither was it solely because of his brilliant success while he lived, nor because he so nobly laid down his life in our defence; it was, I think, that he united in his person, in a very remarkable degree, some qualities which are peculiarly calculated to attract the confidence and affection of mankind,—there was, in all he said and did, that honesty of character which was so justly ascribed to him by a gentleman who proposed one of the resolutions,—there was an inflexible integrity, uncommon energy and decision, which always inspire confidence and respect,—a remarkable union in his whole demeanour of benevolence and firmness,—a peculiarly commanding and soldierlike appearance,—a generous, frank, and manly bearing,—and, above all, an entire devotion to his country. In short, I believe I shall best convey my own impression, when I say it would have required much more courage to refuse to follow General Brock, than to go with him wherever he would lead.

"The meeting presented a proud display of high and noble feelings, honorable to the memory of the dead, and equally so to the character of the living. It was conducted with great dignity and judgment, and no accident occurred to interrupt the pleasures of the day; the steam vessels re-embarking their passengers soon after sun-set, and conveying back the individuals composing this congregated multitude to their respective homes in safety."[145]

It having been resolved by the meeting that the most suitable monument, to replace the shattered column, would be an obelisk on the site of the mutilated structure, the committee offered a premium for a design, which, in February, 1843, was awarded to Mr. T. Young, architect to the university of king's college, Toronto. The style of the intended obelisk is the simplest and purest Egyptian, the artist having strictly avoided all minuteness of detail in order that the massive proportions of the design might harmonize with the bold and beautiful scenery by which it will be surrounded. The total height of the base, pedestal, and obelisk, will be 120 feet. The obelisk will measure at the lower base 16 feet 6 inches square, diminishing to 10 feet at the base of the upper, the proportions of that known as Cleopatra's needle having been strictly adhered to. The estimated cost of this obelisk is about L5,000 currency, the materials of the old monument being used as far as possible; and as above L4,000[146] have already been contributed, it is expected that the new structure will be commenced in the spring of 1845.[147]

A concluding notice of Sir Isaac Brock's favorite regiment will scarcely be deemed superfluous, although, as the records of the 49th were destroyed at the evacuation of Fort George, in May, 1813, we cannot give many further details of its services previous to that period. In 1759, it assisted at the reduction of Fort Niagara, then held by the French, (page 160,) and it served in the American revolutionary war, as, by the records still existing, the flank companies were to be permitted to wear, the grenadiers a black, and the light company a red, feather, for services at Bunker's Hill; but the books being lost, the regiment cannot shew the authority, and consequently is not allowed this distinction. The 49th was repeatedly engaged in Upper Canada, and was especially distinguished at the battles of Stoney Creek and Chrystler's Farm. In 1815, the regiment returned to England, after an absence of above thirteen years; and in January, 1816, "in consequence of its doing duty over her royal highness the princess Charlotte of Wales, at Weymouth, she was graciously pleased to nominate it her regiment." In December, 1821, the 49th embarked for the Cape of Good Hope, and in 1828 proceeded on to Bengal. In April, 1840, the regiment embarked for China, where it distinguished itself, and suffered much from climate. In gaining possession of the heights which overlook the city of Canton, on the 25th May, 1841, "as the two brigades advanced together, there was some little rivalry between the 49th and 18th regiments, as to which should have the honor of commencing the attack upon the two forts. The 49th, having the advantage of a shorter and perhaps rather better road, got the lead, which they maintained; so that the left brigade carried BOTH the eastern forts before the 18th came up, and with little loss."[148] In February, 1843, after the Chinese had been coerced into a peace, the 49th returned to Calcutta, and the following month embarked for England, where the head quarters arrived on the 24th August, after an absence of nearly twenty-two years—an example of the arduous services in which the British infantry of the line is constantly engaged. The 49th, (the Princess Charlotte of Wales',) or Hertfordshire regiment, bears on its colours and appointments the distinctions of Egmont op Zee, Copenhagen, Queenstown, the Dragon, and China.

On the 27th August, 1844, new colours were presented to the 49th, at Winchester, by Lady Pakenham, the wife of Major-General the Hon. Sir Hercules Pakenham, commanding the district, the colours being first consecrated by Doctor C. R. Sumner, the Lord Bishop of Winchester, who thus addressed the troops:

Soldiers of the 49th, I have solicited and obtained permission of your gallant commanding officer to address you a few moments before I invoke the blessing of Almighty God upon the colours which are never to be sullied by any act of yours, and are not to be abandoned but with life itself. And let not any man marvel that I, a man of peace, come among you, who are men of war, for I hold that there is not a truer man of peace than a Christian soldier. When he conquers, it is not for national aggrandizement, nor the mere raising of your names, but for the insuring of peace in future time. Many a brave man has bled on the field, or expired on a bed of agony, that his countrymen might be preserved from the horrors of war. With respect to the services of the 49th, I might go back to a time antecedent to the present century. We must remember what a debt of gratitude we owe to your companions in arms for their prowess in many a well-fought field. And what did we not owe also to the naval power for the preservation of our soil from the insults and the cruelties of our enemy? I must bid you look back to the recollection of those days when you won glory in Holland, Copenhagen, and Canada, and since in India and China. I remember well the stirring phrases used by the great captain of the age, the commander-in-chief of the British army, the Duke of Wellington, when he asked for the thanks of parliament to the army of China—those were stirring phrases indeed—they were well worth living to hear, and well worth dying to deserve; they are for you to treasure up, and your children yet unborn to hear from your lips. When you unfold those banners, you look upon them as the memorials of former days, and in centuries yet to come they will be memorials of your country's renown, of your country's prosperity, and of your country's peace. On these grounds I hold that the Christian soldier is an instrument of good to the nation at large, and I bid you God speed in the name of the Lord, and, as a Christian bishop, I would bid you remember Him who is the God of battles, Him by whom nations are led to victory and preserved in peace. Be men of resolution and men of energy, pacific in your profession and disinterested in your patriotism, observant of your duty to your queen, your country, and your God.

* * * * *

Of Sir Isaac Brock's brothers, the eldest, John, a brevet lieutenant-colonel in the 81st regiment, was killed in a duel, in July, 1801, at the Cape of Good Hope, by Captain M——,[149] in consequence of his having, as steward of a public ball, very properly resisted the introduction, by his antagonist, of a female of disreputable character. The second brother, Ferdinand, a lieutenant of the 60th regiment, was slain in the defence of Baton Rouge, on the Mississippi, 21st September, 1779, at the early age of nineteen. The third brother, Daniel De Lisle, a man of distinguished ability, was bailiff and president of the States of Guernsey. No chief magistrate of the island was ever so beloved, honored, and regretted, as Mr. Brock; and so universal was the feeling of admiration for his talents and services, that the Royal Court decreed him a public funeral at the public expense—a tribute of respect never previously paid by that body to any individual.[150] The ninth brother, Savery, who died on the 7th August, 1844, has been already noticed, and the tenth, Irving, who died in 1838, at Bath, was "the accomplished translator of Bernier's Travels in India," and a very powerful writer in support of the government in 1810, at a very eventful and critical period.[151] Singularly enough, of the eight brothers of this Family of the Brocks who reached maturity, no male descendant of their name is now in existence. Of their two sisters, who grew to womanhood, the elder, Elizabeth, now the only survivor of the family, married John E. Tupper, Esq., of Guernsey; and the younger, Mary, was the wife of Thomas Potenger, Esq., of Compton, in Berkshire, first cousin to the Countess of Bridgewater.

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