DEBATES ON LORD GEORGE GERMAINE'S ELEVATION TO THE PEERAGE.

About this time, Lord George Germaine resigned office, and undeterred by his unpopularity, his majesty created him Viscount Sackville. On the report of this proceeding, the Marquess of Carmarthen brought the subject before the Lords, and moved a resolution, "that it was derogatory to the honour of that house; that any person labouring under the censure of a court-martial, should be recommended to the crown to be raised to the dignity of a peerage." In moving this resolution, the marquess read the sentence of the court-martial, which had been passed upon Lord George Germaine, together with the public orders issued upon it by George II. Several speeches were made, reflecting on the character of the embryo peer, and threatening him with impeachment; but the motion was objected to on the part of the ministers, as interfering with the prerogative of the crown; and the question of adjournment was carried by a large majority. On the 18th of February, Lord George, as Viscount Sackville, took his seat among the peers, when the Marquess of Carmarthen repeated his motion. The new-made peer defended himself with great spirit and dignity; and he was also defended by the lord chancellor and several other peers, so that, when the motion was put to the vote, it was lost by a majority of ninety-three against twenty-eight. Nine peers entered a protest on the journals, repeating the motion, sentence, and public orders, and declaring "that the elevation of Lord Sackville was a measure fatal to the interests and glory of the crown, as well as the dignity of parliament; an insult on the memory of the late sovereign, and every survivor of the illustrious house of Brunswick." The seals which Sackville had resigned were given to Mr. Welbore Ellis, whose appointment gave great umbrage to the members of opposition.



RENEWED ATTACKS ON LORD SANDWICH: RESIGNATION OF LORD NORTH.

Viscount Sackville had retired from the thickest of the battle, but Lord Sandwich was still exposed to the fire of the enemy. On the 20th of February, Fox renewed his attack upon him, by moving a resolution similar to that which he had already lost in committee. His censure was extended this time to the whole board of admiralty, and he was ably seconded by Mr. Pitt, who went through an accurate detail of naval events in the preceding year, and commented on each with remarkable acuteness and great force of reasoning. His speech appears to have had a great effect upon the house, for on a division the motion was lost by a majority on the part of ministers, of nineteen only. Encouraged by the decreasing majorities of administration, opposition continued their attacks. On the 27th of February, General Conway moved:—"That the further prosecution of offensive hostilities for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force, would weaken the efforts of Great Britain against her European enemies; increase the mutual enmity so fatal both to Great Britain and America; and, by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, frustrate the desire expressed by his majesty, of restoring the blessings of peace and tranquillity." The storm in the house was so loud on this occasion, that Lord North could scarcely obtain a healing. When he did, he objected to the motion as dangerous, on account of the information it would convey to our enemies, and as tending to retard the attainment of peace, which he said was now the wish on both sides of the house. He added, that if the house should show that they had wholly withdrawn their confidence from him, it would then be his duty to resign office. Mr. Wallace, the attorney-general, endeavoured to ward off the blow, by stating his intention to bring in a bill which would enable ministers to treat on the basis of a truce, for which reason he moved an adjournment of the debate. But opposition were now satisfied that they should obtain a victory, and were resolved to push the matter forward vigorously. The motion for adjournment was lost by a majority of nineteen; and the original question and an address to the king were then carried without a division. The answer of his majesty, which was very vague, was reported to the house on Monday, and thanks were voted unanimously. But opposition had no idea of being satisfied with a half-triumph. As soon as they had paid this compliment to his majesty, General Conway moved:—"That the house would consider as enemies to his majesty and the country all those who should advise, or by any means attempt, the further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America;" a motion which was agreed to without a division. It was hoped that ministers would now resign, but Lord North still kept his seat on the treasury-bench, and the attorney-general, on the next day introduced his plan of a truce with America. His scheme was denounced as a farce by Fox, but it was nevertheless agreed to without a division. On this occasion Lord North told Fox in plain terms, that he would not quit office to gratify his impatience; and that he would not retire till the king ordered him, or until the house clearly proved that he must retire. He retained office, he said, in order to prevent confusion, and the introduction of mischievous and unconstitutional principles. Opposition, however, were intent upon driving him from office, and would not be satisfied till they had achieved a full and final triumph. On the 8th of March, Lord John Cavendish, at the close of a series of resolutions, moved this direct vote of censure upon ministers:—"That the chief cause of all the national misfortunes is want of foresight and ability in the members of administration." A debate ensued which lasted till two o'clock in the morning, when the house divided on the order of the day, moved by ministers, and which was carried by a majority of eight, so that the motion of Lord John Cavendish was lost. Nothing daunted, however, opposition returned to the charge. On the 15th Sir John Rous moved:—"That the house could no longer repose confidence in ministers." This motion was also lost by a majority of nine; but Lord Surrey gave notice that he would make a motion to the same effect on the 20th, so that there was a prospect of the struggle being continued. But the work of the opposition was now done—their long-wished-for and ardently-sought triumph achieved. On the 19th of March, Lord North sent a message to the king, intimating the necessity of his immediately resigning. His majesty replied, that he should be at St. James's Palace on the following day, when he would see him, and in that interview Lord North tendered his resignation. He rode direct from his majesty to the house of commons, where Lord Surrey was waiting to make his motion. On his arrival it was moved:—"That the Earl of Surrey be now heard;" on which Lord North rose and calmly told the house, that as the object of the intended motion was the removal of his majesty's ministers, such a motion was become unnecessary, as the present administration was no more! He moved an adjournment of five days to allow time for new arrangements, to which the house agreed, and Lord North then left the treasury-bench, where he had presided for twelve years as the supreme personage in the house of commons. He retired from office a poorer man than he came into it: a noble proof of his integrity of conduct. His income would have been insufficient for the education and maintenance of his numerous children, had not his majesty been pleased to secure him in the office of lord warden of the cinque ports. On his retirement he received flattering compliments from his adherents, while opposition were not ashamed of exhibiting a glowing exultation at their triumph. So marked was this exultation in several of his opponents, that Burke, more generous, and more noble, exhorted them to guard against those passions which distort the human mind, and severely censured them for their ill-timed and misplaced joy. He also pointed out to them the great expectations which the nation had aright to expect from them after their manifold declarations, and set before them the difficulty of the task which they had to accomplish. Wise men there were among them: but it is a question whether under the circumstances in which Lord North was placed, they could have guided the helm of the state with greater steadiness or greater skill.



THE NEW MINISTRY.

In the ranks of the opposition there were two parties: one which contended for the complete emancipation of the colonies; and the other, though opposed to the principle of taxation and the continuance of hostilities, which still wished to maintain the principle of supremacy over the colonies. At the head of the first of these parties was the Marquess of Rockingham, and of the second, the Earl of Shelburne. His majesty was still reluctant to acknowledge the independence of the colonists, and he, therefore, naturally looked to Lord Shelburne as the successor of Lord North. Accordingly Shelburne was sent for, and had the first post offered him; but his lordship informed his majesty that, in his opinion, no one could at present fill that situation except Lord Rockingham. A negociation was therefore set on foot with the Marquess, whose appointment was soon afterwards announced, with Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox as secretaries of state. The other new ministers were Lord Camden, as president of the council; the Duke of Grafton, as keeper of the seal; Admiral Keppel, created viscount, as first lord of the admiralty; Lord John Cavendish, as chancellor of the exchequer; General Conway, as commander-in-chief; Mr. Dunning, created Lord Ash-burton, as chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; and the Duke of Richmond, as master-general of the ordnance. Lord Thurlow retained the great seal. The other departments of the state were filled by persons eminent for rank or talent. The Duke of Portland was sent out as lord-lieutenant of Ireland; Mr. Burke was made paymaster of the forces; Mr. T. Townshend became secretary at war, and Colonel Barre treasurer of the navy; Mr. Sheridan was under-secretary of state; Lord Howe, created viscount, was appointed to the command of the grand fleet; Mr. Kenyon and Mr. John Lee were made attorney and solicitor-general; and Sir William Howe was made lieutenant-general of the ordnance. The usual changes, also, took place in the royal household; at which the king was far more affected than he was by the total change in the ministry. It is said that William Pitt was offered the place of a lord of the treasury, which office he rejected with disdain. Be this as it may, Pitt, who had largely contributed to the overthrow of Lord North's cabinet, remained without post or situation. Pitt, however, probably consoled himself with the idea that the new ministry would not retain the reins of government for any length of period, and that on their ruin he might rise to the highest office in the state. From the very conditions, indeed, upon which the Marquess of Rockingham consented to form the new ministry, and to place himself at the head, it was clear that his administration would not be of long duration. These conditions were:—"Peace with the Americans, and the acknowledgment of their independence not to be a bar to the attainment of that object. A substantial reform in the several branches of the civil list expenditure, on the plan proposed by Mr. Burke. The diminution of the influence of the crown, under which article the bills for excluding contractors from seats in parliament, and disqualifying the revenue-officers from voting in the election of members, were included." These were arbitrary measures to impose upon a monarch holding-such sentiments as George III., and it was manifest to all men of discernment that the men who imposed them upon him could not hope to possess his confidence. Moreover, there were wide disagreements in the cabinet, as to the means of pursuing the first of these objects, and as to the lengths to which the others should be carried. Finally, mutual jealousies and dislikes existed between the members of the confederated parties; and it required no prophetic eye to foresee that they would never act with that unanimity requisite for the establishment of their power. The issue was, that "every day brought forth a new proof of that hatred which the parties composing this administration bore towards each other; the Rockinghams abused Lord Shelburne for want of good faith; and the reply of the Shelburnes was, that they were in no ways pledged to Lord Rockingham."



AFFAIRS OF IRELAND.

In consequence of writs having to be issued for new elections, to replace such members as had vacated their seats by accepting office, parliament did not re-assemble until the 8th of April, on which day the new administration commenced the trial of their strength. The first measure of national importance which they brought forward, was the repeal of an act passed in the reign of George I., for securing the dependency of Ireland; and against which a loud clamour had been long raised in that country. This repeal, which was carried through both houses of parliament without a division, was virtually a renunciation of legislating for Ireland; and therefore gave great satisfaction to the whole body of the Irish people. This satisfaction was increased by the abolition of the power of suppressing or altering bills in the privy-council, and the limitation of the duration of the Mutiny Act to the term of two years. So gratified were the Irish with these concessions, that a vote of the house of commons in that kingdom passed unanimously for raising 20,000 seamen for the service of the British navy. The subject of Irish discontent was introduced into the British parliament by Mr. Luttrell, but it was the eloquence of Mr. Grattan which moved ministers to make these large concessions to Ireland. While they were hesitating as to the extent of the gifts which they should offer to allay the angry feelings that existed in that country, he set forth in a lofty tone of eloquence the rights of Ireland, and ministers wavered no more. The spirit of the Irish nation may be seen in the following portion of his speech. He remarked:—"I remember Ireland when she was a child, and have beheld her progress from injuries to arms—from arms to liberty. The Irish are no longer afraid of the French, nor of any nation; nor of any minister. If men turned their eyes to the rest of Europe, they would find the ancient spirit expired, liberty ceded, and empire lost: nations subsisting on the memory of past glory, and guarded by mercenary armies. But Ireland, quitting such examples, had become a model to them: she had excelled modern, and equalled ancient Europe. The meeting of delegates at Dungannon was a great event; and like all original measures, matter of surprise till it became matter of admiration. It may be compared to the English convention parliament, or the assembly of barons at Runnymede; all were original transactions, not flowing from precedent, but containing in themselves precedent and principle. Every great constitutional question would have been lost, the public would have been lost, had they depended only on parliament; but they had fallen into the hands of the people, and by the people they would be preserved. The Irish volunteers are associated for the preservation of the laws, but the claims of the British parliament are subversive of all law. The volunteers had supported the rights of the Irish parliament against those temporary trustees who would have relinquished them? but England had no reason to fear the Irish volunteers: they would die for England and her majestic race of men. Allied by liberty as well as allegiance, the two nations formed a constitutional confederacy: the perpetual annexation of the crown was one great bond, but liberty was a still greater. It would be easy to find a king, but impossible for Ireland to find a nation which could communicate to them a great charter, save only England. This made England a natural connexion; and every true Irishman would exclaim, 'Liberty with England; but at all events, Liberty.'"

{GEORGE III. 1782-1784}



BILL FOR EXCLUDING CONTRACTORS, ETC.

It has been seen that bills for disabling revenue-officers from voting at elections, and excluding contractors from the house of commons, had been repeatedly brought into parliament, and as repeatedly negatived. In order to acquire popularity ministers revived these bills, and they now passed with approbation and applause. And it seems to have been high time that such measures should have been adopted. In support of the former bill, the Marquess of Rockingham declared that the election chiefly depended on officers of the revenue in seventy boroughs, and that nearly 12,000 officers, created by the recent administration, possessed votes in other places. He argued that his situation, as first lord of the treasury, would be extremely uneasy if the bill were rejected, for he could not without remorse subject them through his influence to the necessity of voting against the dictates of gratitude and conscience. This was a curious argument, but it terminated the debate, and the bill passed. About the same time, also, Mr. Burke's Reform Bill was again brought forward, and after some warm opposition in the house of lords was adopted. By this bill the board of trade, the board of works, the great wardrobe, the office of American secretary of state, and many sinecure appointments were abolished.



RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING WILKES EXPUNGED FROM THE JOURNALS.

During this session, Wilkes was successful in obtaining the erasure of the resolutions concerning the celebrated Middlesex election from the journals. The motion was made by himself and was seconded by Mr. Byng. It was opposed by Fox, the "man of the people," on the principle that the house of commons ought, for the advantage of electors, to have the privilege of expelling those whom they as representatives deemed unworthy of a seat. Elated with his triumph, Wilkes published a letter expressive of delight, but the people generally did not participate in his triumph. The sun of Wilkes's popularity had long gone down, and the people read his letter with indifference.



DISFRANCHISEMENT OF CRICKLADE, ETC.

A few days after the success of Wilkes an act was passed, by large majorities in both houses, for disfranchising many corrupt voters of the borough of Crick-lade, and extending the right of suffrage to the freeholders of the hundred. This bill was strenuously opposed in the upper house by Lords Thurlow, Mansfield, and Loughborough. In the course of the debate the Duke of Richmond accused the lord-chancellor Thurlow, not without justice, of opposing every reform; and Lord Fortescue attacked the law lords in general, declaring that the dignity of the house was lowered and tarnished by their presence. All the above bills originated with the Rockingham party. Soon after, Lord Shelburne introduced a bill of his own, for compelling persons holding patent places in the colonies and foreign possessions to reside, and do something for their money, which was adopted.



DEBATES ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

Encouraged by the fate of Criclade, and by petitions for parliamentary reform from the Livery of London, and the still existing county associations, on the 7th of May, Mr. William Pitt moved for a committee to inquire into the state of the representation in parliament, and to report their observations thereon to the house. The petitions which had been presented prayed for the abolition of the Septennial Act. Pitt did not adopt this prayer, but demanded the sweeping away of all rotten boroughs, and the establishment of an equal representation. His motion was seconded by Alderman Sawbridge, and was warmly supported by Sir George Saville, Mr. Fox, and other Whig orators. It was opposed by Thomas Pitt, who declared rotten boroughs to be an essential working part of the constitution—a sentiment suggested by his being proprietor of the borough of Old Sarum. Mr. Powys also could not see any utility in the revisal of a system which had stood the test of ages; and Mr. Dundas thought that the inquiry promised no benefit, that it would lead to evil, and that it would be wiser to submit to certain irregularities in an established form of government, than by attempting the correction to hazard the safety of the whole fabric. The debate manifested that the Whig aristocracy, now in power, were as anxious to quash this inquiry as the Tories themselves could have been; and it is remarkable, that Burke, Townshend, and others were also adverse to the motion. On a division, however, the motion was rejected by a majority of twenty only; the numbers being one hundred and sixty-one against one hundred and forty-one.



EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

A secret committee had been appointed to investigate the abuses of the Indian government. During this session several reports were presented to the house, when Mr. Dundas reviewed the state of the company and its servants, in the course of which he reprobated the spirit of ambition which provoked the native powers, in the hope of profiting by their conquest; the perfidy which produced violations of treaty; the prodigality which had induced embarrassment and distress; and the misgovernment which generally prevailed in our Asiatic establishments. The reports led to a bill of pains and penalties against Sir Thomas Rumbold, for high crimes and misdemeanours committed in the Carnatic; to a vote of censure on Warren Hastings and Mr. Hornsby, president of Bombay; and to an address to his majesty, praying the removal of Sir Elijah Impey from the office of chief-justice at Bengal.



CHANGE IN THE MINISTRY.

During these proceedings in parliament Mr. Fox, who, before he became foreign secretary, had insinuated in the commons that he possessed the means of detaching the Dutch from the French, offered to Holland a renewal of amity on the terms of the treaty of 1674. Mr. Fox had also been endeavouring to conclude a peace with the Americans, the chief terms of which were the recognition of the independence of the thirteen American colonies, and for the rest a status quo ante bellum. No progress had been made in these negociations—for they were obstructed by the great powers of Europe—when the Marquess of Rockingham died, which put an end to the cabinet. Immediately after his decease the king sent for Lord Shelburne, and placed him at the head of the cabinet, which so deeply offended the Rockingham party that they resigned: Fox, Burke, Lord John Cavendish, John Townshend, the Duke of Portland, as governor of Ireland, and others at the boards of treasury and admiralty instantly threw up office in disgust. In consequence of their resignations, Mr. Thomas Townshend was made foreign secretary; Lord Grantham obtained the secretaryship, which had been held by Lord Shelburne; William Pitt was raised to the post of chancellor of the exchequer; Colonel Barre was made paymaster of the forces, while Mr. Dundas was appointed treasurer of the navy in his room; Sir George Yonge succeeded Mr. Townshend as secretary of war; Lord Temple undertook the lieutenancy of Ireland; and Mr. Pepper Arden was made solicitor-general. The promotion which attracted most attention was that of William Pitt, who was only twenty-three years of age, and wild, by his promotion to the post of the chancellor of the exchequer, became leader of the house of commons; and that at a time when the pecuniary concerns of the country were, from the long and expensive war which still raged, in a state of great embarrassment. Fox and his associates were accused of heat and precipitancy, and of having committed the whole Whig cause by their sudden resignation, whence, on the 9th of July, Fox thought proper to defend his conduct in the house of commons; maintaining, that he and his colleagues could not act with honour and benefit to the country, either under or in conjunction with Lord Shelburne. In his speech, he arraigned the conduct of the new first-minister, and General Conway rose in his defence. While he lamented the retirement of Fox, Conway said, that in a cabinet of eleven ministers, there must be some shades of difference; but he denied that these were sufficient to justify the resignation of Fox and the other friends of the deceased marquess. Mr. Pitt was more severe in his remarks upon Fox than General Conway. He accused him of being more at variance with men than their measures, and of having resigned in pique and from disappointed ambition, rather than on any public ground. This language might have been just to a certain extent, but there were doubtless other reasons more cogent than pique and animosity for the retirement of Fox, as he was at this time in a desperate state of poverty. Be this as it may, the severity of Pitt was the commencement of a long conflict between him and Fox.

{GEORGE III. 1782—1784}



PROROGATION OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament was prorogued on the 11th of July. News had been recently received of a victory gained by Rodney, which restored the naval supremacy of England in the western world; of the relief of Gibraltar, and of the poverty and embarrassment of France and Spain, as well as the absolute pauperism of the American congress. Although, therefore, overtures had been made for peace with the Americans, on the basis of independence, yet, in his speech, the king did not show himself disposed to go thus far if it could be avoided. He remarked:—"Nothing can be more repugnant to my feelings than the long continuance of so complicated a war; but should the want of a corresponding disposition on the part of the enemy disappoint the hopes of terminating that calamity, I shall still rely on the spirit, affection, and unanimity of my parliament and people to support the honour of my crown and the interests of the nation. The most triumphant career of victory would not excite me to aim at more than reasonable terms of pacification; and I have the satisfaction to add, that I see no reason which should induce me to think of accepting less." Recent pages indeed show, that his majesty was always averse to a recognition of the independence of America, and if ever he had given his consent to the proposals Fox had made, it must have been wrung from him under a consciousness that his cause was hopeless. As for Lord Shelburne he still adhered to the dogma of Chatham, and was as averse to the independence of America as the king himself, whence there is a stronger reason than private pique and animosity that Fox should have resigned. Had he not done so he must have acted against his own conscience, which should ever be consulted by man, whether acting in a private or public capacity. He who acts against the dictates of his own conscience is unworthy of the public esteem or confidence.



VICTORY OF RODNEY.

All our leeward islands, except Barbadoes and Antigua, had been conquered by the enemy, after which the fleets of France and Spain projected an expedition against Jamaica, A reinforcement was despatched under de Guichen, and Admiral Kempenfelt was too weak to intercept his progress. In the meantime Rodney arrived at Barbadoes, and soon after put to sea with the intention of joining Sir Samuel Hood, who had been vainly endeavouring to relieve the island of St. Christopher, which was assailed by the Count de Grasse, and a land force under the Marquis de Bouille. Rodney met Hood returning from St. Christopher's, which had been captured in spite of his exertions to save it; and upon his information that de Grasse had proceeded to Martinique in order to prepare for a grand attack on Jamaica, Rodney sailed with the whole British fleet to St. Lucie, in order to watch his movements. On the 8th of April a signal announced that de Grasse was coming out from Fort Royal Hay, upon which Rodney weighed anchor, and set sail in pursuit of him. At day-break on the following morning the enemy was discovered at Dominique, but continued calms prevented a close action. The van of the English, indeed, engaged the rear of the French; but a breeze springing up, de Grasse took advantage of it, and sailed away. Rodney, however, still pursued, and towards the evening of the 11th the headmost ships of the van gained so much on one or two of the enemy's ships, which had been damaged in the recent engagement, that de Grasse thought it necessary to bear down for the purpose of protecting them. Rodney now hoped to force him to battle; but as it was evening, he called in the foremost ships, and forming a close line of battle, he plied to windward all night. By this movement, however, he prevented the retreat of the enemy, and on the morning of the 12th the two fleets, ranged in opposite lines, engaged with the greatest fury. The fleets were about of an equal number, but the ships of de Grasse were of higher rates than the British, and had superior weight of metal. Victory was long held in suspense, but about noon Rodney executed a manouvre, which had never before been practised in naval tactics, and which was attended with complete success. Taking advantage of a freshening breeze which sprung up, his own ship, the Formidable, supported by the Namur, the Duke, and the Canada, bore down with all sail set on the enemy's line, within three ships of the centre, and succeeded in breaking it. By this manouvre the French line was broken and thrown into confusion, and the rest of the division following, Rodney wore round and doubled on the enemy, by which those ships which had been separated from the others were placed between two fires, without hope of assistance. The battle, notwithstanding, lasted till sunset, at which time Rodney's exertions were crowned with complete success. Six of the enemy's ships, among which was the Ville de Paris, de Grasse's own ship, were captured; one was sunk, and another blew up; and the shattered remains crowded all the sail they could make for Cape Francois, and in the morning were out of sight. Sir Samuel Hood was despatched in pursuit of the fugitive ships, and coming up with five sail off Porto Rico, he captured two ships of the line and two frigates. Thus, in the whole, the French lost ten ships of the line and two frigates, and the victory was considered as one of the most decisive ever obtained by the naval prowess of Britain. The loss of the French, in killed and wounded, was terrible. Their ships were crowded with land-troops, who only served to swell the carnage: their killed alone is estimated at 3000 men, and their wounded at double that number; so that, taking the prisoners on board the captured ships into computation, they must have sustained a loss of nearly 12,000 men. On the side of the British the loss, in killed, was less, than two hundred and fifty, and in wounded about 700. By the victory Jamaica was saved, and the dominion of the ocean recovered, and the intelligence of it excited great exultation among all ranks of people. Sir George Rodney received the unanimous thanks of parliament, with a peerage, and a perpetual annuity of L2000 was annexed to his title. Sir Samuel Hood was also made a baron in the peerage of Ireland, and Admiral Drake and Commodore Affleck, who had distinguished themselves in the engagement, were made baronets. The news of Rodney's victory reached London about the middle of May, and it is probable that if it had happened two months earlier, Lord North's administration would still have been in existence. So great was the impression which the success made on the people, that Rodney's praise resounded from one end of the kingdom to the other; and many a "Rodney's head" met the gaze of travellers both in the towns and villages of all England. But although ministers were compelled to give their meed of praise to North's favourite admiral, yet it was evident that they did not look upon his newly-gained honours with an unjaundiced eye. The Rockingham administration had previously superseded him by naming the Whig Admiral Pigott to the command in the West Indies, and the order for recalling him was never cancelled. This conduct, which was as unwise as it was unjust, produced the deep indignation of the people, and created a bad impression of his ministers' integrity on the mind of the monarch. It was probably from this cause that the king is said to have received the resignation of Fox with marked satisfaction. True patriotism knows nothing of party, but rejoices in the welfare of the country, be it promoted by either Whig or Tory.



AFFAIRS OF THE WAR IN AMERICA.

The surrender of Lord Cornwallis virtually terminated the war in America; but peace was not yet restored to that country. On hearing of the defeat of de Grasse, indeed, the whole republican party were filled with dismay; and some confessed that unless France sent them more men and money they were as far off from peace and independence as ever. On the other hand, the royalists took heart on hearing the news, and retaliated on the republicans for the wrongs they had endured at their hands since their recent successes. Thus they hanged one Joshua Huddy, a captain in Washington's army, leaving a label on the tree, which set forth that it was in retaliation for the murder of one White, a royalist, whom the republicans had put to death. The perpetrators of this deed were arrested by Sir Henry Clinton; and the leader in the affair, Captain Lippincot, was tried by a court-martial, who returned a verdict of not guilty. This affair, however, had the effect of retarding that peace which was now so much desired on both sides of the Atlantic. Washington demanded that Lippincot should be given up to him to be tried and executed by republican law; and when this was refused by Sir Henry Clinton, he declared that he would hang a young English officer, a prisoner taken at York Town, in retaliation, if his demand was not satisfied. The day for this execution was fixed by Washington; and in the meantime Sir Henry Clinton was superseded by Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived at New York with instructions from the Rockingham administration, to open negociations with congress for peace on the basis of independence. Overtures were made to Washington by Carleton for a truce; and a passport was solicited of him for a person to carry a letter to congress with offers of peace. These overtures and the passport, however, were sternly refused by Washington; and he again recurred to the subject of Huddy, declaring that he would hang the British officer if Lippincot was not delivered up to him. His violence met the approval of congress; and a vote was passed on the 21st of May, binding themselves to make no separate treaty, and to entertain no overtures of negociation, except in common with their allies. All that could be effected was a partial exchange of prisoners, and a suspension of hostilities, which were rather conceded from the weakness of the American army, and the formidable position of the British, than from the friendly advances of the British cabinet. The suspension of hostilities, however, that was obtained by Carleton was only partial, for a war of posts was still continued in Carolina and Georgia. In the meantime, negociations still continued concerning the young officer whom Washington had selected for the gibbet. There can be no doubt that he would have shared the fate of Major Andre, had not his parents possessed influence, for Washington still sternly demanded the person of Captain Lippincot as the price of his redemption. The devoted victim, however, was the son of Sir Charles Asgill; and his mother, Lady Asgill, wrote to the King and Queen of Fiance, soliciting their intercession on her son's behalf. This letter was sent to Washington, accompanied by one from the Count de Vergennes, in which the French minister stated, that the King and Queen of France had been extremely affected by Lady Asgil's letter, and that they desired that the inquietudes of an unfortunate mother might be calmed, and her tenderness reassured. It would have been bad policy had Washington not relented on the receipt of these letters; and he, therefore, forwarded them to congress with one of his own, and Captain Asgill was forthwith set at liberty. But although Washington put on so bold a front towards the English, treating them with a contempt which would seem to indicate that he was their perfect master, his situation was one which would have justified the language of humiliation and supplication, rather than of contempt and dictation. During these negociations, and only a few days after he had refused to grant a passport to congress, he stated to that assembly, that his army on the Hudson was destitute of provisions, and in a state of disorder bordering on mutiny; and that if the British were aware of his situation, and were to make a sudden attempt, he could not withstand them. Subsequently, as the condition of his army did not improve, the haughty Washington wrote in plain language to congress, "that it was high time for peace." Nor was the army under General Greene, in the south, in a better condition. A large part of it were occasionally as naked as they were born. The very loins of the brave men who fought at Eutaw Springs were galled by their cartouch-boxes, while their shoulders were protected only by a piece of rug or a tuft of moss. In writing to congress, Greene remarked: "The troops have received no pay for two years; they are nearly naked, and often without meat or bread; and the sick and wounded are perishing for want of medicines and proper nourishment." Disaffection prevailed even among the officers; and upon one occasion, on the appointment of Colonel Laurens to the command of the legion, they one and all tendered their resignation, and were only induced to return to their posts by their general's prudent and conciliatory conduct. And this was not the only danger which Greene had to encounter. A portion of his army entered into a secret correspondence with the British, for the purpose of delivering him into their power; but the conspiracy was detected, and while the ringleader was shot, the chief of the conspirators deserted. Yet while the American forces in the south were in this desperate condition, the British troops undertook no new expedition, except for the purpose of procuring provisions. Under the impression, indeed, that with their diminished forces it would have been folly to have renewed the strife, or even to have maintained their position, they determined to leave Charlestown. Accordingly, having agreed to leave it uninjured, on condition of their retreat being unmolested, they evacuated that town on the 14th of December; the American army entering it as the British rear-guard departed from it On their departure solemn thanks were offered to the Almighty in the different places of worship, by the citizens and soldiers, and the whole city presented a scene of joy and festivity; but even after this period; Greene experienced much difficulty in obtaining provision for his troops; and it was only by his becoming responsible as an endorser of the contractor's bills, that the evil was removed. By this measure the troops were fed; but it was the cause of much subsequent embarrassment, not only to Greene himself while living, but to his family after his death.



STATE OF THE WAR IN THE WEST INDIES, ETC.

After Rodney's victory the war still languished in West Indies. The Spanish governor of Cuba effected the conquest of the Bahama islands; and la Perouse destroyed some defenceless settlements on Hudson's, Haye's and Nelson's Rivers. On the other hand, the British captured some forts on the Mosquito shore from the Spaniards, and took Aera, on the coast of Africa, from the Dutch. In the East Indies the affairs of the Dutch and the French were in a desperate condition. They had made extraordinary exertions to expel the English by means of Hyder Ally; but these were all defeated by Sir Eyre Coote and Commodore Hughes, as will be seen in a future page. These events contributed materially to make the court of Versailles desirous of peace.

{GEORGE III. 1782-1784}



MARITIME EVENTS.

During this year, France, Spain, and Holland equipped seventy ships of the line for active service, in order to reduce the maritime superiority of Britain. As the forces of the British were inferior on her own coasts to those of the enemy if united, the plan adopted, was to prevent their junction, and to weaken them by separate attacks; to protect our convoys; and to relieve the important post of Gibraltar. To effect the first of these objects Admiral Barrington sailed from Portsmouth with twelve sail of the line, and on the 20th of April he discovered seventeen or eighteen sail of large merchantmen and transports, under convoy of two French ships of the line and a frigate. Barrington gave chase, and in the course of two days the two ships of the line, ten large transports, and a schooner were captured. The victors found on board the prizes a. great quantity of ordnance and ammunition, anchors and masts for ships, and other materials needed by the French in the East Indies, besides eleven chests of Dutch silver, and about 1400 troops. After this successful cruise, Barrington returned to port in consequence of boisterous weather, and Admiral Kempenfelt, with nine sail of the line, took the station which he had quitted. In the mean time the British suffered a reverse, for de Guichen having formed a junction with the Spanish fleet at Cadiz, captured eighteen sail of British merchantmen and transports, bound to Canada and Newfoundland. Great apprehensions were entertained for the Jamaica fleet, but Lord Howe, with a squadron of twelve sail, effectually covered them, and the combined squadrons, being unable to effect a junction with the Dutch, and finding that no advantage could be derived from remaining in the Channel, retired from the British coasts. Lord Howe, indeed, terrified the Dutch into a relinquishment of their designs on the trade of Great Britain to the Baltic, and the whole scheme of the enemy proved abortive. Storms, however, in part accomplished what the enemy failed to perform. In various latitudes the summer and autumn of this year were remarkable for storms and hurricanes, and a terrible catastrophe befell a fleet under Admiral Graves, which sailed, with the great prizes taken by Rodney and Hood, to convoy the great fleet of West-Indiamen. All these ships, except the "Ardent," foundered at sea, as well as two line-of-battle ships, and a great number of merchantmen; three thousand lives were lost. This calamity was aggravated by the loss of the Royal George at Portsmouth, which was the finest ship in our navy. The Royal George was inclined on her side to undergo a slight species of careening, without the delay of going into dock, and on the 29th of August a sudden squall of wind threw her on her side, and the gun-ports being open she instantly filled and went to the bottom. Admiral Kempenfelt was writing in his cabin at the moment, and he, together with nearly one thousand men, women, and children, were thus suddenly buried in the ocean. These calamities excited a deep concern throughout the whole nation, and the fate of the brave Kemperjfelt was deeply deplored.



SIEGE AND RELIEF OF GIBRALTAR.

At this time the siege of Gibraltar, and the resolute defence of its garrison attracted the attention of all Europe. After the relief afforded to the garrison in the preceding year by Admiral Darby, the Spaniards opened a dreadful cannonade and bombardment, from batteries on land and from large gun-boats in the bay. Under cover of this fire they continued their approaches and nearly completed their fourth line; but on the night of the 26th of November, a detachment under the orders of Brigadier General Ross, and accompanied by General Elliot, the governor, made a sortie, succeeded in spiking all the artillery, and then having dug mines and laid trains, they blew the fourth line of the Spaniards into the air. Previous to this, General Elliot had so improved his ownformidable works that they were stronger than they were at the commencement of the siege, and the Spaniards for a time were lost in amazement, and relaxed their exertions against the wonderful rock. In the month of April, however, the Duke of Grillon, the conqueror of Minorca, arrived to take the chief command of the besieging army and their efforts were renewed. The Duke brought with him a numerous body of skilful artillery and engineer officers, and he was likewise joined by about 20,000 French and Spanish troops to aid him in the enterprise. The whole besieging force on land now amounted to full 40,000 men, and de Crillon had more artillery with him than had ever been collected on so narrow a point. Success seemed certain, and princes of the House of Bourbon, with along retinue of French and Spanish nobles, were present to witness the final triumph. Some time was spent in deliberating upon the plan of attack. A thousand projects were proposed and some were adopted and failed. At length the Chevalier d'Arcon, a French engineer, proposed a plan which seemed to ensure a complete triumph. This was the employment of floating batteries so constructed as to be impervious to shot and indestructible by fire. The bottoms of these batteries were made of massive timber, and their sides were secured with a rampart or wall composed of timber and cork, with an interstice between, filled up with wet sand. Raw hides were fastened on the outside, and to prevent the effect of red-hot balls a number of pipes were laid to convey water through every part, and pumps were provided to keep these constantly supplied. As the garrison had an opportunity for maintaining a fire right on the heads of their assailants, the besiegers contrived hanging roofs of strong rope-work netting, laid over with a thick covering of raw hides. These roofs were to be worked up and down by mechanism, and it was calculated that by their sloping position they would throw off the shot and shell of the garrison into the sea. Above eighty gun-boats and bomb-ketches were to second the operations of the floating batteries, together with a multitude of frigates and smaller vessels, while the combined fleets of France and Spain amounting to fifty sail of the line, were to cover and support the attack. On the isthmus also there were stupendous works, mounting two hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and protected by 40,000 troops. In the whole the numbers employed by land and sea against the fortress were estimated at nearly 100,000 men. Time was required to complete the preparations, but at length they were completed, and the 13th of September was named for the grand attack. In the meantime General Elliot, aware that inventions of a peculiar nature were in preparation provided against every circumstance of danger that could be foreseen, and his vigilance had the effect of increasing the confidence of the garrison. General Elliot, however, was ignorant of the construction of the batteries until he saw them ranged before the fortress. It was intended to make one simultaneous attack on every part of the British fortifications, and on the appointed day, showers of shot and shells from the land-batteries and ships of the besiegers were directed against them. But the besieged were as much in earnest as the besiegers: shot was given for shot, and shell for shell. At one moment four hundred pieces of the heaviest artillery were playing on the garrison, and the fire was returned by incessant showers of red-hot balls and shells from the rock. The whole peninsula was involved in one terrible blaze, and the surrounding hills were covered with people, who assembled to behold the awful spectacle. The besiegers were sanguine of success, but their hopes were disappointed. For a time the floating batteries seemed to answer their expectations, for the heaviest shells rebounded from their tops, while the red-hot balls, just taken from old Elliot's furnaces, made no visible impression on their hulls. By two o'clock, however, the effects of these fiery globes became visible. The floating battery commanded by the Prince of Nassau, and on board of which was the Chevalier d'Arcon, began to smoke on the side exposed to the garrison, and it was apprehended it had taken fire. Notwithstanding, the firing continued with unabated fury, and the fortification sustained some damage from the besiegers. At seven o'clock, however, all hope of taking the fortress vanished. By that time the red-hot balls from the garrison had taken such good effect, that the firing from the batteries ceased, rockets were thrown up as signals of distress, and nothing was thought of but saving the crews. The boats of the combined fleet were sent on that service, but it was found to be no easy matter to move the batteries from their moorings, and to have approached them within the range of the British batteries, and when they were expected every moment to blow up, was like rushing into the jaws of death. For five hours they continued in their original position, and in the mean time, the smoke of the batteries had burst into flames, and the fire from the rock was increased with terrific vengeance. At midnight the only flashes from the batteries were the flames that were consuming them, and the only sounds on board were the shrieks of the crew. Their danger was increased by a brigade of gunboats, under the command of Captain Curtis, which sailed out, and by their low fire swept the batteries in the whole extent of their line, and effectually prevented the approach of the French and Spanish boats from coming to their aid. From the evening till the morning the sky was illuminated by the ascending flames of the batteries, and by the fire of the garrison and gun-boats. At five o'clock in the morning, one of the batteries blew up, and soon after, the whole of them were one vast conflagration. Many of their crows now threw themselves into the sea; and touched by the sight, the British showed themselves to be as humane as they were brave. The guns in the fortification ceased, and Curtis and his gallant crew exerted themselves in saving the shrieking and despairing Spaniards. Fearless of danger they dashed among the burning wrecks, snatched many from the fury of the flames, and others from a watery grave: about three hundred and fifty were saved by them from inevitable death. Captain Curtis himself was often in the most imminent danger, while thus showing mercy to the enemy, and, at one time, a pinnace in which he had thrown himself, was close to one of the batteries when it blew up. The pinnace was involved in one vast cloud of fire and smoke, and masses of flaming wood, and it was expected that the brave crew had perished. It was not so: as the smoke cleared away, the pinnace was seen still proudly riding on the waves. Her coxswain was killed, several of her crew were wounded, and one of the burning masses of timber had fallen into her, and had gone through her bottom, but the sailors saved her from sinking by stuffing their jackets into the cavity! In the end all the floating batteries were consumed, and the loss of the enemy, exclusive of that sustained by the troops on the isthmus, was computed at 1500 men, while the garrison lost only sixteen killed, and had sixty-eight wounded. It was a blow severely felt by the enemy; but a gleam of hope burst through the gloom which surrounded them, so that the siege was not immediately abandoned. It was known that Elliot's stock of ammunition and provisions was greatly reduced, and it was hoped that the combined fleet collected in the narrow bay might be able to prevent any relief. That hope also proved vain. Lord Howe had set sail with thirty-four ships of the line, three fire-ships, and six frigates, having under his protection an immense convoy of transports and trading vessels, with all which, on the 11th of October, he passed between the shores of Europe and Africa, and through the Straits of Gibraltar. On the same day he succeeded in landing the cargoes of four of the transports without meeting with any interruption from the combined fleet; and, subsequently, a violent hurricane having driven the French and Spaniards on the Barbary coast, he landed all the stores and fresh troops which he had brought for the relief of the garrison. His task was completed by the 19th, on which day he repassed the Straits, and spread his sails for England. He was followed by the enemy, and on the 20th as they gained upon him off Cape St. Vincent, he lay in order to receive them. A partial engagement took place, but the French and Spaniards testified no anxiety to come to close quarters; and towards the evening they hauled their wind, and gave up all idea of battle or pursuit. Thus perished the hopes of Spain to recover a barren rock; but a rock, the price of which is above all value to a commercial country like England. For his heroic defence, General Elliot was raised to the peerage by the title of Baron Heath field, with a pension annexed to the title similar to that bestowed on Rodney.



PROSPECT OF GENERAL PACIFICATION.

This final attempt upon Gibraltar was the last action of importance during the war. Every nation which had been engaged in the fatal struggle now sighed for peace, and admitted the policy of putting up the sword into its scabbard. Each found, by a review of past events, that, although their gains were great, then-losses greatly preponderated. Negociations were entered into, and the Empress of Russia, finding that England was not so near the verge of destruction as she imagined, now began to act as a fair and anxious mediatrix. Spain had not yet raised the siege of Gibraltar, and demanded the wonderful rock as the price of a treaty; but the empress told its monarch that he must give up all idea of obtaining it either by arms or treaty. France, Holland, and the United States were also told by her that they ought to moderate their pretensions. But the grand obstacle that stood in the way of peace, was removed by Great Britain herself; namely, the recognition of the independence of America. During the negociations with France and Spain, provisional articles between England and America were signed on the 30th of November, at Paris, by Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Oswald, on the one hand, and Dr. Franklin, Adams, Jay, and Laurens, on the other. This was contrary to the letter and spirit of their treaty with France, and was brought about by the treachery of the French minister, Vergennes. While he was urging the Americans to claim a share in the Newfoundland fishery, he was instigating the British government to refuse the concession! This double-dealing was detected; and in an interview with the American negotiators, Mr. Fitzherbert assured them that a share in that fishery would be allowed them, which had the effect of bringing the treaty between England and America to a conclusion. Vergennes complained of American chicanery, and still sought to set aside the treaty, by advising the English government not to make too ample concessions as regarded the boundaries to be assigned to the United States; but his character had become manifest, and his advice was not heeded. The British cabinet was, indeed, too desirous of peace to raise any undue obstacle against its attainment. Eight days before the separate preliminaries were signed, Lord Shelburne wrote to the lord mayor, acquainting him that the negociations promised a speedy conclusion; on which account parliament would be prorogued from the 26th of November to the 5th of December. At this time it was, indeed, considered that America was wholly detached from the league, and there was no anxiety about the prolongation of a naval war with the rest of our enemies. There was in truth, no fear of this, for France, Spain, and Holland had all suffered too much on the ocean to make them desirous of continuing hostilities. Pride might dictate haughty demands, but it was clear that they would rather abate them than renew the struggle.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament met on the 5th of December, when the king announced from the throne, that in pursuit of a general pacification, he had offered to declare the American colonies free and independent states, by an article to be inserted in the definite treaty. This was against his majesty's wishes as is evident from the following remarks which he made in continuation. He said:—"In thus admitting their separation from the crown of Great Britain, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my humble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great Britain may not feel the evils which might result from so great a dismemberment of the empire; and that America may be free from those calamities which have formerly proved in the mother country how essential monarchy is to the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Religion, language, interest, affections, may, and I hope will, yet prove a bond of permanent union between the two countries: to this end neither attention nor disposition shall be wanting on my part." Among other topics in his speech, his majesty alluded to the valiant exertions of the army and navy; the economical reforms which would be necessary after so expensive a war; and the attention which the concerns of Ireland and India demanded. There was no regular opposition to the address in either house, but in the commons Fox suggested that it would be better to recognize the independence of America at once, and not to reserve it as one of the conditions of peace. Some severe remarks were also made in the house of lords, on the inconsistency of the minister, who, at a former period, had so strongly opposed the recognition of American independence; but who had now expressed his readiness to acknowledge it. In reply, Lord Shelburne said that he yielded to necessity, and that the full recognition of independence was still dependent on the conduct of France; if France did not consent to peace, it would be withheld. Several warm debates followed on the subject; and on the 18th of December, a division took place on a motion made by Fox, for copies of all the parts of the provisional treaty that related to American independence; which was lost by an overwhelming majority. After voting 100,000 seamen and marines for the service of the ensuing year, on the 23rd of December, the house adjourned for the Christmass recess.

{A.D. 1783}



PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE.

It was a prevailing opinion that negociations with France, Spain, and Holland would yet fail, and that a general peace was yet a distant event.

Nevertheless, during the recess, negociations came to a pacific conclusion. Preliminary articles of peace were signed at Versailles on the 20th of January; and the arrangements of the whole were as follow:—Great Britain acknowledged the thirteen United States as free, sovereign, and independent States, with advantageous boundaries, comprehending the countries on both sides of the Ohio, and on the east of the Mississippi. The right of fishing on the banks of Newfoundland and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence was also granted to the Americans. The right of navigation on the Mississippi, from its source to the ocean, was declared common to both powers. In the treaty, the loyalists were merely recommended to congress; but it was agreed that no new confiscations or persecutions were to take place. The right of fishing on the coast of Newfoundland, from Cape St. John on the east, round the north of the island to Cape Bay on the west, was likewise ceded to France. That power also obtained the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon and St. Lucie and Tobago in the West Indies; Senegal and Goree in Africa; Pondicherry, with other districts in the East Indies, were in part restored, and in part ceded, to France. The article of the peace of Utrecht, relative to the fortifications of Dunkirk, were moreover abrogated. On her part, France restored to Great Britain the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vincent, Dominica, St. Christopher's, Nevis, and Montserrat. In Africa, she likewise ceded the possession of Fort James and the River Gambia. Spain obtained the island of Minorca and the two Floridas, as the price of her exertions; but she gave up Providence and the Bahama islands to Great Britain: his catholic majesty, also, guaranteed to English subjects the right of cutting logwood in the bay of Honduras. Holland agreed to a truce, with the understanding that there should be a mutual restoration of conquests between her and Great Britain; but the exact terms of pacification were not yet arranged.



RE-ASSEMBLING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament re-assembled on the day appointed, and for a day or two was occupied in debates on the affairs of Ireland. The preliminaries of peace were laid before the house on the 24th of January and the debates which followed led to the overthrow of the ministry. This had been indeed determined upon beforehand; for Fox and Lord North, whose sentiments were as opposite as the poles, had previously entered into a coalition for that express purpose, to the astonishment of the whole nation. The struggle commenced on a motion made by Mr. Thomas Pitt, for an address of thanks to his majesty for ordering the preliminary articles of peace to be laid before the house. This motion, which was made on the 17th of February, the day fixed for the debate, was seconded by Mr. Wilberforce, and called forth all the rancour of contending parties. An amendment, withholding such approbation, yet assuring his majesty of their firm determination to adhere to the several articles for which the public faith had been pledged, was moved and supported by the combined adherents of Lord North and Mr. Fox; and, after a stormy debate, was carried by a majority of sixteen; the numbers being two hundred and twenty-four to two hundred and eight. An amendment, similar in principle, was moved in the house of lords, which was rejected by a majority of thirteen; the numbers being seventy-two to fifty-nine. Debates on the advantages and disadvantages of peace still continued; and on the 21st of February, Lord John Cavendish, among other resolutions, moved, "That the concessions made to the adversaries of Great Britain by the provisional treaty, and the preliminary articles, are greater than they were entitled to, either from the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their comparative strength." It was well known that Fox, with all his abilities, could not have succeeded in obtaining better terms of peace; and that he had expressed a readiness to make concessions equally ample as those made by Lord Shelburne. His whole party, also, had repeatedly declared that a high price must be paid for the inestimable blessing of peace. Yet now, he with others, men who had threatened Lord North with the block for persevering in the war, endeavoured, by all the means in their power, to depreciate the treaty which would bring harmony to the world. In the debate on the amendment he had condemned nearly every concession made; and he now set forth the desperate condition to which France, Spain, Holland, and even America, had been reduced by the war, as an argument why such ample concessions should not have been granted. He was answered by Pitt, who defended the treaty article by article; and vehemently condemned the "ill-omened and baneful alliance" which had been formed between the parties of Fox and Lord North. The chief subject of the debate was, in truth, the coalition of these parties; some condemning it, and others defending it from the hot attacks made upon it. There was full evidence that there existed no patriotism or principle in the matter: and that the sole object of those in power was to retain their places, and of those out of office to obtain power. The latter were successful: on a division, Lord John Cavendish's resolutions were carried by a majority of seventeen, and Lord Shelburne instantly resigned.



THE COALITION MINISTRY.

Although Lord Shelburne resigned, yet the rest of the administration still clung to office. Mis majesty, it is said, sent for Pitt, and requested him to form a cabinet of his own. Pitt, however, probably conscious that he could not withstand the power of the coalition, declined; and day after day elapsed without any new ministry being formed. The house of commons adjourned from time to time, with the view of forwarding a new arrangement; but none could be made. Twice the king sent for Lord North, hoping to induce him to undertake the formation of a new administration; but as his majesty required that Fox should be given up, he was twice refused. In the meantime the business of the nation was suspended, and great confusion was created by this ministerial interregnum. At no time, in truth, was an able administration more necessary than at this time. Tumults were spreading throughout the kingdom, from the disembodying of the militia, and the discharge of seamen and sailors without pay; the treaty with France and Spain was not ratified; no commercial alliance was adjusted with America; and the affairs of the East India Company demanded instant attention. Seeing that there was no prospect of a new ministry being formed, on the 24th of March, Mr. Coke, one of the members for Norfolk, moved an address to the king, "that he would be graciously pleased to take into consideration the unsettled state of the empire, and condescend to comply with the wishes of this house, in forming an administration entitled to the confidence of the people." Coke's motion was carried with only four dissentient voices; and his majesty replied to the address, that it was his "earnest desire to comply with the wishes of his faithful commons." Still nothing was done; and on the 31st of March, Lord Surrey moved another address, "assuring his majesty that all delays in a matter of such moment have an inevitable tendency to weaken the authority of government; and most humbly entreating his majesty, that he will take such measures towards this object as might quiet the apprehensions of his faithful subjects." This motion was, however, withdrawn, on the assurance of Mr. Pitt, that he had that day resigned as the chancellor of the exchequer. The king was now obliged to yield: two days after this a new ministry was formed from the ranks of the coalition. In its arrangement the Duke of Portland became first lord of the treasury; Lord North secretary for home affairs; Mr. Fox secretary for foreign affairs; the Earl of Carlisle obtained the privy seal; Lord John Cavendish was re-appointed chancellor of the exchequer; Admiral Keppel was again placed at the head of the admiralty; Lord Stormont became president of the council; the great seal was given in commission to Lord Loughborough, Mr. Justice Ashurst, and Mr. Baron Hotham: while Lord Mansfield accepted the temporary office of speaker of the house of Lords; Lord Townshend became master-general of the ordnance; Burke was reinstated as paymaster of the forces; Charles Townshend became treasurer of the navy; Colonel Fitzpatric was made secretary at war; and Lord Northington was appointed to the government of Ireland. The usual changes took place likewise in his majesty's household. The seven ministers who formed the new cabinet were, Portland, North, Fox, Cavendish, Keppel, Carlisle, and Stormont, the majority of whom were of the old Whig or Rockingham party. But, although the king had consented to this heterogeneous ministry, no pains were taken at court to conceal the dislike which was borne towards it; nor was this ministry looked upon with greater favour by the nation at large. They had obtained power by unworthy means; and this operated to diminish public confidence in their measures, whence it was not long before it was seen that this administration would share the fate of Lord Shelburne's. It was an unnatural union of parties; and therefore its integral parts could never be so cemented together as to prevent their final separation.



RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH AMERICA, ETC.

After a long debate on the subject of parliamentary reform, which subject was brought into the house by Mr. Pitt, and was attended with no beneficial results, some important debates took place on the modes or arranging our commercial intercourse with the United States. A bill was passed in order to its promotion, repealing the restraining act; and other obstacles were removed by a temporary bill, vesting the power of making future regulations in the crown. Another subject which claimed the attention of the house, was the case of the American loyalists. Few believed that congress or the provincial assemblies would pay any attention to the recommendations of England, or that these loyalists would be allowed to recover their confiscated property. The care of providing for them, therefore, devolved on parliament. An act was passed appointing commissioners to inquire into their losses and services; and it was agreed in a committee of supply, that all American officers who had borne arms for the king should be allowed half-pay. As foreseen, congress, although they fulfilled the terms of the provisional articles on behalf of the loyalists to the very letter, paid no attention to the cold and formal recommendation of restoring their property; and subsequently a host of them soon found themselves compelled to quit their native country for ever. So numerous were the claims made upon the parliament, that in the whole they received more than twelve millions of money. This was noble generosity on the part of Great Britain, for at this time she had no money to spare. One of the first measures, indeed, or the new ministry, was to obtain a loan of twelve millions, and to put a stamp-duty on receipts, in order to meet, the expenses of the state—expenses which had chiefly been incurred by the recent war. During this war, in truth, England had increased her national debt by more then L130,000,000 sterling.



PITT'S PLAN FOR REFORMING THE TREASURY ETC.

In the course of this session, Mr. Pitt brought in a bill for making some economical reforms in the treasury. In his speech on this subject, he demonstrated that extravagant abuses existed; and his bill was carried in the commons, but lost in the lords. But though ministers could not countenance Pitt's plan, they were under the necessity of producing one of their own. At the end of June, Lord John Cavendish carried a bill through the house, for abolishing certain offices in the exchequer, and limiting the salaries of others after the death of the present possessors. In consequence of a motion made by Pitt five months before, Lord John Cavendish also presented to the house a book, containing a list of accountants, who having received public money by way of imprest, had not yet accounted for it; and of those persons from whom balances of declared accounts were still due. By this book it appeared that a sum of about L44,000,000 sterling was still unaccounted for; and this induced Mr. Pitt to move an address to the king, requesting him to take measures for the recovery of this sum, and to prevent similar delinquencies for the future. This was objected to by ministers; but it was allowed to pass with a few trifling amendments. About the same time, Lord Mali on introduced a bill for preventing bribery at elections; and Alderman Sawbridge made his annual motion for a reform in parliament, both of which were negatived.

{GEORGE III. 1782-1784}



EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.

It has been seen that a select committee had been appointed to consider the state of the British dominions. This committee, in the prosecution of this inquiry, not only discovered corruption, fraud, and injustice in every department of the Indian government, but that the company's finances were in a ruinous condition. In order, therefore, to rescue the British name from disgrace, and to secure our territorial possessions in India, Sir Henry Fletcher introduced a bill for "suspending the payments of the company due to the exchequer, and enabling them to borrow the sum of L300,000 for their relief." This bill, which was declared to be only a branch of a larger plan, passed both houses with very little opposition; an impression generally prevailing among peers and commoners, that unless relief was afforded, bankruptcy was inevitable. Thus works profusion.



PETITION OF THE QUAKERS AGAINST THE SLAVE TRADE.

Towards the end of the session, a bill was introduced for regulating the trade of the African Company, in which there was a clause prohibiting its officers from exporting negroes. This encouraged the Quakers to present a petition for the total abolition of the slave trade: a petition that may be said to have laid the foundation of those generous and persevering exertions of gifted individuals, as Clarkson and Wilberforce, which finally succeeded in effecting the abolition of that loathsome traffic in the bones and sinews of man; which had for centuries been carried on without compunction.



SETTLEMENT ON THE PRINCE OF WALES.

On the 23rd of June, a message was delivered from the king to the house of commons, requesting means for a separate establishment for the Prince of Wales. The young prince had now attained his twenty-first year, and was of such extravagant habits, that his profusion was the talk of the nation. He was particularly intimate with Fox, and was linked in with the coalition ministry; and the Duke of Portland suggested to his majesty that a demand should be made of a hundred thousand a-year for his maintenance. The king, however, disliked the prince's connexion with his present ministers, and therefore, he put his decided negative upon this proposal; asserting that he could not think of burthening his people with so large a grant, and encouraging his son in his extravagant habits. Ministers had bound themselves to procure this sum for their royal friend, but were obliged to submit to the king's will; namely, that fifty thousand a-year should be allotted by himself out of the civil list, and that parliament should merely grant sixty thousand as an outfit. A vote to this effect was carried without opposition: the young prince giving a proof of his filial duty and public spirit, by signifying his desire that the king's wish should be consulted, and his readiness to accept whatever he might think proper in his wisdom and goodness to grant. At the same time he continued his close intimacy with Fox, and gave all the countenance he could to a ministry which his majesty abhorred.



PARLIAMENT PROROGUED.

Parliament was prorogued on the 16th of July, his majesty intimating his intention to call the members together at an early period, in order to resume the consideration of the affairs of India. In his speech he expressed regret that he could not announce the completion of the definitive treaties.



EXECUTION OF TREATIES, ETC.

The greatest difficulty in the way of the settlement of the definitive treaties arose from Holland. On the 2nd of September, however, through the influence of France, Holland acceded to preliminaries of peace, by which all conquests on both sides were to be restored, except the town of Negapatam, in the East Indies, which was to remain in the possession of Great Britain. On the next day the definitive treaties with France, Spain, and America were signed, and that under the auspices of the men who had condemned the articles in toto. Soon after Mr. Adams arrived in London as ambassador from the United States. On his first audience at St. James's, the king received Mr. Adams with much courtesy and kindness. He remarked to him:—"I was the last man in the kingdom, sir, to consent to the independence of America; but, now it is granted, I shall be the last man in the world to sanction its violation." It is said that Adams retired from the monarch's presence with altered sentiments as to his real character; and when at a later period Jay came into contact with the king, he was obliged to confess that in his representations of George III. in the American manifestoes and revolutionary documents, which had been chiefly written by him, he had overcharged the picture. Instead of being an unfeeling and savage tyrant, thirsting for the blood of his subjects, as he had set forth, he found that his majesty possessed many virtues, and that he was beloved by his subjects.



MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

Parliament reassembled on the 11th of November. The king's speech on this occasion was brief but comprehensive. After noticing the conclusion of peace with France, Spain, and America, he urged attention to every possible means of recruiting the strength and resources of the nation; of rendering the necessary revenue as little burthensome as possible to his subjects; and of adopting new measures to prevent the numerous frauds which had been committed in the collection of the revenue. He particularly directed their attention to the affairs of India, remarking that their utmost exertions would be required to maintain and improve the valuable advantages derived from our Indian possessions, and to promote and secure the happiness of the native inhabitants. The address passed without opposition; Pitt himself expressing approbation of the ends of government, and promising his support.



FOX'S INDIA BILL.

Although in office, Fox was still unreconciled to the monarch. He felt, moreover, that by his ill-fated coalition he had forfeited the confidence of the people. Under these circumstances, he resolved to seek the restoration of his popularity, and to consolidate his power, by producing some great measure, which should at once charm and profit the nation. India afforded him a fine field for legislating, and with the assistance of Burke he concocted a bill for its government. He gave notice on the day when parliament reassembled, that he would produce this bill on the 18th of November, and when that day arrived he was in his place for that purpose. He moved for leave to bring in a bill for vesting the affairs of the East India Company in the hands of certain commissioners, for the benefit of the proprietary and the public. This memorable bill proposed to take the entire administration both of their territorial and commercial affairs from the directors and proprietors, and to vest it in the hands of seven commissioners, named in the bill, who were to be irremovable by the crown, except in consequence of an address of either house of parliament. These commissioners were to be assisted by a subordinate board of nine directors, to be chosen in the first instance by parliament, and afterwards by the proprietors. The bill empowered these commissioners and directors to enter immediately into possession of all lands, tenements, books, records, vessels, goods, merchandize, and securities in trust for the company. They were required to decide on every question within a certain time, or to assign sufficient reason for delay. They were never to vote by ballot, and were generally required to enter on their journals the reasons of their vote. Every six months they were to submit an exact schedule of accounts to the court of proprietors; and at the commencement of every session were to present a statement of their affairs to both houses of parliament. This act was to continue in force four years: that is, till the year after the next general election. It was accompanied by another bill, enacting regulations for the future government of the British territories in India. This second bill took from the governor-general all power of acting independently of his council; declared every existing British power in India incompetent to the acquisition or exchange of any territory in behalf of the company; to the acceding to any treaty of partition; to let out the company's troops; to the appointment of any person removed for misdemeanour to office; and to the hiring out any property to any civil servant of the company. It also prohibited all monopolies; declared every illegal present recoverable by any person for his own benefit; and employed effectual means to secure the zemindars, or native landholders, in the possession of their inheritances, aiming particularly at the abolition of all vexatious or usurious claims that might be made upon them, by prohibiting mortgages, and subjecting every doubtful claim to the examination of the commissioners.

The disclosure of this scheme excited the greatest sensation in the house. By the friends of Fox it was espoused with zeal and enthusiasm, while it was attacked by his opponents with vehement indignation and energetic invective. On the one hand it was extolled as a masterpiece of genius, virtue, and ability; on the other, it was denounced as a dangerous design, fraught with mischief and ruin. Pitt had promised his support in settling the affairs of India; but though he acknowledged that reform was wanted, it was, he said, not such a reform as this. He remarked:—"The bill under consideration included a confiscation of the property, and a disfranchisement of the members of the East India Company; all the several articles of whose effects were transferred by violence to strangers. Imagination was at a loss to guess at the most insignificant trifle that had escaped the harpy jaws of a ravenous coalition. The power was pretended, indeed, to be given in trust for the benefit of the proprietors; but, in case of the grossest abuses of trust, to whom was the appeal? To the proprietors? No; to the majority of either house of parliament, which the most contemptible minister could not fail to secure, with the patronage of above two millions sterling given by this bill. The influence which would accrue from this bill—a new, enormous, and unexampled influence—was indeed in the highest degree alarming. Seven commissioners, chosen ostensibly by parliament, but really by administration, were to involve in the vortex of their authority the patronage and treasures of India. The right honourable mover had acknowledged himself to be a man of ambition, and it now appeared that he was prepared to sacrifice the king, the parliament, and the people at the shrine of his ambition. He desired to elevate his present connexions to a situation in which no political convulsions, and no variations of power, might be able to destroy their importance and terminate their ascendency." Other members resisted the bill with similar arguments, and Fox was compelled to call all his powers into action for its defence. After defending himself from the charge of violating the company's charters, and observing that the arguments of his opponents might have been adopted with great propriety by King James the Second, he remarked:—"I am also charged with increasing the influence, and giving an immense accession of power to the crown. Certainly this bill as little augments the influence of the crown, as any measure that can be devised for the government of India, with the slightest promise of success. The very genius of influence consists in hope or fear—fear of losing what we have, or hope of gaining more. Make the commissioners removable at will, and you set all the little passions of human nature afloat. Invest them with power upon the same tenure as the British judges hold their station, removable upon delinquency, punishable upon guilt, but fearless of danger if they discharge their trust, and they will be liable to no seducement, and will execute their functions with glory to themselves, and for the common good of the country and mankind. This bill presumes the possibility of mal-administration; for every word in it breathes suspicion. It supposes that men are but men; it confides in no integrity; it trusts to no character. It annexes responsibility, not only to every action, but even to the inaction of the powers it has created. I will risk my all upon the excellence of this bill. I will risk upon it whatever is most dear to me—whatever men most value—the character of integrity, of present reputation, and future fame; these will I stake upon the constitutional safety, the enlarged policy, the equity and wisdom of the measure. Whatever, therefore, may be the fate of its authors, I have no fear that it will produce to this country every blessing of commerce and revenue; and by extending a generous and humane government over those millions whom the inscrutable dispensations of Providence have placed under us, in the remotest regions of the earth, it will consecrate the name of England among the noblest of the nations." While this bill was pending in the commons, the East India Company and the city of London presented strong petitions against it; but it was carried rapidly through all its stages with large majorities, and Fox presented it at the bar of the lords on the 9th of December.

Fox had recommended his majesty to create several new Whig peers, in order to ensure the success of his measure in the house of lords. The king, however, declared, that he would not create any British peers on the recommendation of the present cabinet, and therefore he was obliged to commit his bill to that house as it now existed. It appears that he had still hopes of the concurrence of the lords; and although it was, on the first reading, reprobated by the Duke of Richmond, Lord Thurlow, and Lord Temple, yet still a division was favourable to its progress. It also passed on the second reading, which took place on the 15th; but on the following day counsel was heard on behalf of the company, and on the 17th it was moved that the bill be rejected. On this occasion Lord Camden spoke with great vehemence against the bill; declaring, that if it passed into a law, we should soon see the King of England and the King of Bengal contending for superiority in the British parliament. Ministers had been defeated by a majority of eight on the evening of the second reading, when the opposition moved for an adjournment till the next day, in order to give an opportunity of hearing counsel; but they were now doomed to suffer a more signal defeat. The bill was rejected by ninety-five against seventy-six.

There was a cause for this change of sentiment in the lords. On the 11th of December Earl Temple had a conference with the king, in which, having explained his ideas on the nature and tendency of the bill, his majesty became a convert to the views of opposition. By his explanation the royal indignation was greatly excited; the monarch considering himself as having been deceived by his ministers. Accordingly, a card was written, stating that "his majesty allowed Earl Temple to say, that whoever voted for the bill was not only not his friend, but would be considered by him as his enemy; and that, if these words were not strong enough, Earl Temple might use still stronger language." The rumour of this soon spread, and on the evening of the 15th a conversation concerning it took place in the house of lords, in which Earl Temple declared, that he was not ashamed to avow the advice which he had given to his majesty, and would publish what he was empowered to communicate, when he should be properly called upon to do so. It was evident, therefore, to ministers and to all men, that the rumour was substantially correct, and on the 17th the subject was brought prominently before the members of the house of commons. Mr. Baker moved these two resolutions:—"1. That it is now necessary to declare that, to report any opinion, or pretended opinion of his majesty, upon any bill, or other proceeding, depending in either house of parliament, with a view to influence the votes of the members, is a high crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to the honour of the crown, a breach of the fundamental privileges of parliament, and subversive of the constitution of this country. 2. That this house will, on Monday next, resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider the state of the nation." After an animated debate, these resolutions were carried by a majority of nearly two to one, the numbers being one hundred and fifty-three against eighty. A dissolution of parliament being now apprehended, Mr. Erskine moved, that whoever should prevent that house from discharging their duty in remedying the abuses which prevailed in the government of the British dominions in the East Indies, should be considered by them as an enemy to his country. This resolution was attacked as an invasion of the king's prerogative, but it was nevertheless carried, by one hundred and forty-seven against seventy-three.



DISSOLUTION OF THE COALITION MINISTRY—PITT MADE PRIME MINISTER.

The above resolutions were designed as props to support the government, but they were swept away by his majesty. On the 18th he was employed in making dispositions for the formation of a new cabinet, and at twelve o'clock that night a messenger delivered orders to Fox and Lord North, that they should deliver up the seals of their offices without delay. The seals were sent, and, on the following day, Earl Temple was directed to send letters of dismission to all the other members of the cabinet. At the same time Pitt was appointed first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer; the Marquess of Carmarthen and Mr. Thomas Townshend (created Lord Sydney) were nominated secretaries of state; Lord Thurlow was reinstated as lord-chancellor; Earl Gower became president of the council; the Duke of Rutland was constituted lord privy-seal; Lord Howe was placed at the head of the admiralty; the Duke of Richmond was made master-general of the ordnance; and Lord Temple was again appointed to the government of Ireland. Mr. W. Grenville and Lord Mulgrave became joint paymasters of the forces; Mr. Dundas, treasurer of the navy; Mr. George Rose and Mr. Steele, secretaries of the treasury; Mr. Lloyd, attorney-general; and Mr. R. P. Arden, solicitor-general. In the first instance Lord Temple had been made one of the secretaries of state, but he resigned this post under pretence of meeting the charge of tampering with the royal confidence, which was laid against him by the recent cabinet, more freely. It was predicted, that the new ministry would not exist one month; and looking at the formidable array of opponents which sat on the opposition benches on the evening of their acceptance of office, this prediction seemed certain of fulfilment. Pitt himself was conscious of his weakness, and doubtful of the result; but his administration, though commenced under such unfavourable circumstances, proved in the end one of the most memorable in the British annals.



EFFORTS OF THE OPPOSITION AGAINST THE NEW MINISTRY.

The first measure after the change in the cabinet was to issue a new writ for the borough of Appleby. This done, Mr. Dundas, treasurer of the navy, moved, that in order to carry the Land-tax Bill through the house in time to meet large payments that were to be made by the treasury on the 5th of January, the house should meet on the next day, Saturday, instead of being adjourned till Monday. As it was imagined that government meant to hurry over the voting of supplies, that it might proceed to a dissolution, this was opposed by Fox, and rejected without a division. On the Monday no opposition was made to the land-tax, but on the same evening Mr. Erskine moved an address to his majesty, not to dissolve the present parliament, but to be graciously pleased to hearken to the advice of his faithful commons, and not to the secret advices of particular persons, who might have private interests of their own, separate from the true interests of the king and his people. The house was assured that Pitt would resign if either a dissolution or a prorogation took place; but the motion was pressed and agreed to without a division. The answer of his majesty to this address was reported on the 24th, and it contained an assurance that he would not interrupt their meeting by any exercise of his prerogative, either by prorogation or dissolution. Opposition now seemed certain of the fall of Pitt and his coadjutors; and, as if impatient for their overthrow, Fox suggested that the recess should be a very short one, and it was resolved to adjourn only till the 12th of January.



CHAPTER XIV.

{GEORGE III. 1784-1786}

The Trial of Parties and Triumph of Pitt..... A General Election..... Meeting of the New Parliament ..... Acts to prevent Smuggling, etc...... The Budget of 1784..... Pitt's India Bill..... Bill for the Restoration of Forfeited Estates in Scotland..... Prorogation of Parliament..... The State of Ireland..... Meeting of Parliament..... The Westminster Scrutiny..... Pitt's Reform Bill..... Pitt's Financial Measures..... The Affairs of Ireland..... Continental Affairs.

{A.D. 1784}



THE TRIAL OF PARTIES, AND TRIUMPH OF PITT.

On the reassembling of parliament, opposition hoped to show that no power in the constitution could withstand the will of the commons. Fox commenced the trial by moving the order of the day for the committee on the state of the nation. This motion was carried, but it was only by a majority of thirty-nine against ministers, and imputations were thrown out that the support given them was obtained by unfair means. Still Fox and his party consoled