At first the Lords of Trade favored the sending of a supplemental charter and the extending of a pardon to the colony; but as the evidence against Massachusetts accumulated, they began to consider the revision of the laws, the appointment of a collector of customs and a royal governor, and even the annulment of the charter itself. In short, they determined to bring Massachusetts "under a more palpable declaration of obedience to his Majesty." The general court of the colony, although it had said that "any breach in the wall would endanger the whole," was at last frightened by the news from England and passed an order in October, 1677, that the laws of trade must be strictly observed, and later magistrates and deputies alike took the oath of allegiance prescribed by the Crown, promising to drop the word "Commonwealth" for the future. The members of the assembly wrote an amazing letter, pietistic and cringing, in which they prostrated themselves before the King, asked to be numbered among his "poore yet humble and loyal subjects," and begged for a renewal of all their privileges. At best such a letter could have done little in England to increase respect for the colony, but any good results expected from it were completely destroyed by the serious blunder which the colony made at this time in purchasing from the Gorges claimants the title to the province of Maine, which with New Hampshire had recently been declared by the chief justices of the King's Bench and Common Pleas to lie outside of the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This attempt to obtain, without the royal consent, a territory which the legal advisers of the Crown had decided Massachusetts could not have, only strengthened the determination of the authorities in England to bring the colony into the King's hand by the appointment of a royal governor. For the moment, however, the uprising of Bacon in Virginia and the Popish Plot in England so distracted the Government that it was obliged to slight or to postpone much of its business. It did succeed in settling the perplexing question of New Hampshire, for, having obtained from Mason a renunciation of all his claims to the Government, though leaving him with full title to the soil, it organized that territory as a colony under the control of the Crown.

With these matters out of the way or less exigent, the Lords of Trade returned to the affairs of New England. They wished, before proceeding to extremes, to give Massachusetts another chance to be heard; so, in dismissing the agents in the autumn of 1679, they instructed the colony to send over within six months others fully prepared "to answer the misdemeanors imputed against them." They also decided to send Randolph back as collector and surveyor of customs, with letters to all the New England colonies, ordering them to enforce the acts of trade, and another to Massachusetts requiring that she provide a minister for those in Boston who wished an Anglican church. Randolph, who left for New England for the second time, in December, 1679, has the distinction of being the first royal official appointed for any of the northern colonies. Almost his first task was to settle the province of New Hampshire under royal authority, with a government consisting of a president, a council, and an assembly. Thus British control in New England was making progress, and the worst fears of the "old faction" in Massachusetts were being realized.

It is difficult to understand the attitude of Massachusetts. Her leaders probably thought that with the settlement of the Mason and Gorges claims the most serious source of trouble with England was disposed of. They believed, honestly enough, though the wish was father to the thought, that the colony lay beyond the reach of Parliament and that the laws of England were bounded by the four seas and did not reach America. Hence they deemed the navigation acts an invasion of their liberties and could not bring themselves to obey them. As to England's new colonial policy, it is doubtful if they grasped it at all, or would have acknowledged it as applicable to themselves, even if they had understood it. The experiences and reports of their agents in England seem to have taught them nothing and served only to confirm their belief that a Stuart was a tyrant and that all English authorities were natural enemies. They had labored and suffered in the vineyard of the Lord and they wished to be let alone to enjoy their dearly won privileges. Randolph wrote, soon after his arrival in New England, that the colony was acting "as high as ever," and that "it was in every one's mouth that they are not subject to the laws of England nor were such laws in force until confirmed by their authority." The colony neglected to send the agents demanded, alleging expense, the dangers of the sea, the difficulty of finding any one to accept the post, and their belief that King and council were "taken up with matters of greater importance," until finally in September, 1680, the King wrote an exceedingly sharp letter, calling the excuses "insufficient pretences," and commanding that agents be sent within three months. Strange to say the colony even then allowed a year to elapse before complying, and again instructed those whom they sent to agree to nothing that concerned the charter.

Before the agents arrived in the summer of 1682, the royal patience was exhausted. Randolph's continued complaints that he was obstructed in every way in the performance of his duties; the act of the colony in setting up a naval office of its own; the revival of an old law imposing the death penalty upon any one who should "attempt the alteration or subversion of the frame of government"; the opinion of the Attorney-General that the colony had done quite enough to warrant the forfeiture of its charter; and the delay in sending the agents, which seemed a further flouting of the royal commands—all these things brought matters to a crisis. Therefore, when finally the Massachusetts agents reached England, they found the situation hopeless. "It is a hard service we are engaged in," they wrote; "we stand in need of help from Heaven." Their want of powers provoked the Lords of Trade to say that unless they were procured, the charter would be forfeited at once. Randolph was called back in May, 1683, to aid in the legal proceedings which were immediately set on foot. Other charters were falling: that of the Bermuda Company was under attack; that of the City of London was already forfeited; and those of other English boroughs were in danger. On June 27, a writ of quo warranto was issued out of the Court of King's Bench against the colony. The agents, refusing to defend the suit, returned to New England, and the writ was given to Randolph to serve. He reached Boston in October, but owing to delays in the colony and a tempestuous voyage back, he was unable to return it to England within the allotted time. The first attempt failed, but another was soon made. By the advice of the Attorney-General, suit was brought in the Court of Chancery by writ of scire facias against the company, and upon the rendering of judgment for non-appearance the charter was declared forfeited on October 23, 1684.

Though the colony was given no opportunity to defend the suit, the charter was legally vacated according to the forms of English law. The colony was but a corporation, its charter but a corporation charter, and in only one respect did it differ from other corporations, namely, its residence in America. The methods of vacating corporate charters in England were definite and in this case were strictly followed. Had Massachusetts been a corporation in fact as well as in law, it is doubtful if the question of illegality would ever have been raised; but as this particular corporation was a Puritan commonwealth, the issue was so vital to its continuance as to lead to the charge of unjust and illegal oppression. On moral grounds a defence of the colony is always possible, though it is difficult to uphold the Massachusetts system. It was certainly neither popular nor democratic, tolerant nor progressive, and in any case it must eventually have undergone transformation from within. The city of Boston was increasing in wealth and importance, and trade was bringing it into ever closer contact with the outside world. There were growing up in the colony more open-minded and progressive men who were opposing the dominance of the country party, which found its last governor in Leverett, its chief advocates among the clergy, and its strength in the House of Representatives, and which wished to preserve things as they always had been. The leaders of this conservative party, Danforth, Nowell, Cooke, and others, struggled courageously against all concessions, but they were bound to be beaten in the end.

That the conservative members of the colony were thoroughly in earnest and thoroughly convinced of the absolute righteousness of their position, admits of no doubt. No man could speak of the loss of the charter as a breach in the "Hedge which kept us from the Wild Beasts of the Field," as did Cotton Mather, without expressing a fear of a Stuart, of an Anglican, and of a Papist that was as real as the terrors of witchcraft. To the orthodox Puritans, the preservation of their religious doctrines and government and the maintenance of their moral and social standards were a duty to God, and to admit change was a sin against the divine command. But such an unyielding system could not last; in fact, it was already giving way. Though conjecture is difficult, it seems likely that the English interference delayed rather than hastened the natural growth and transformation of the colony, because it united moderates and irreconcilables against a common enemy—the authority of the Crown.



CHAPTER X

THE ANDROS REGIME IN NEW ENGLAND

Without a charter Massachusetts stood bereft of her privileges and at the mercy of the royal will. She was now a royal colony, immediately under the control of the Crown and likely to receive a royal governor and a royal administration, as had other royal colonies. But the actual form that reconstruction took in New England was peculiar and rendered the conditions there unlike those in any other royal colony in America. The territory was enlarged by including New Hampshire, which was already in the King's hands, Plymouth, which was at the King's mercy because it had no charter, Maine, and the Narragansett country. Eventually there were added Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, and the Jerseys—eight colonies in all, a veritable British dominion beyond the seas. For its Governor, Colonel Percy Kirke, recently returned from Tangier, was considered, but Randolph, whose advice was asked, knowing that a man like Kirke, "short-tempered, rough-spoken, and dissolute," would not succeed, urged that his name be withdrawn. It was agreed that the Governor should have a council, and at first the Lords of Trade recommended a popular assembly, whenever the Governor saw fit; but in this important particular they were overborne by the Crown. After debate in a cabinet council, it was determined "not to subject the Governor and council to convoke general assemblies of the people, for the purpose of laying on taxes and regulating other matters of importance." This unfortunate decision was a characteristic Stuart blunder for which the Duke of York (afterwards James II), Lord Jeffreys (not yet Lord Chancellor), and other ministers were responsible. Kirke, Jeffreys, and the Duke of York may well have seemed to Cotton Mather "Wild Beasts of the Field," dangerous to be entrusted with the shaping of the affairs of a Puritan commonwealth.

The death of Charles II in February, 1685, postponed action in England, and in Massachusetts the government went on as usual, the elections taking place and deputies meeting, though with manifest half-heartedness. Randolph was able to prevent the sending of Kirke, and finally succeeded in persuading the authorities that it would be a good plan to set up a temporary government, while they were making up their minds whom to appoint as a permanent governor-general of the new dominion. He obtained a commission as President for Joseph Dudley, son of the former Governor, an ambitious man, with little sympathy for the old faction and friendly to the idea of broadening the life of the colony by fostering closer relations with England. Randolph himself received an appointment as register and secretary of the colony, and for once in his life seemed riding to fortune on the high tide of prosperity. In 1685, he obtained nearly L500 for his services and for his losses up to that date; and when the following January he started on his fifth voyage to New England, he bore with him not only the judgment against the charter, the commission to Dudley as President, and two writs of quo warranto against Connecticut and Rhode Island, but also a sheaf of offices for himself—secretary, postmaster, collector of customs. He was later to become deputy-auditor and surveyor of the woods. With him went also the Reverend Robert Ratcliffe, rector of the first Anglican church set up in Boston. Just a week after the arrival of Randolph and Ratcliffe in Boston, the old assembly met for the last time, and on May 21, 1686, voted its adjournment with the pious hope, destined to be unfulfilled, that it would meet again the following October. The Massachusetts leaders seem almost to have believed in a miraculous intervention of Providence to thwart the purposes of their enemy.

The preliminary government lasted but six months and altered the life of the people but little. For "Governor and Company" was substituted "President and Council," a more modish name, as some one said, but not necessarily one that savored of despotism. But however conciliatory Dudley might wish to be, his acceptance of a royal commission rankled in the minds of his countrymen; and his ability, his friendly policy, his desire to leave things pretty much as they had been, counted for nothing because of his compact with the enemy. In the opinion of the old guard, he had forsaken his birthright and had turned traitor to the land of his origin. Time has modified this judgment and has shown that, however unlovely Dudley was in personal character and however lacking he was at all times in self-control, he was an able administrator, of a type common enough in other colonies, particularly in the next century, serving both colony and mother country alike and linking the two in a common bond. Under him and his council Massachusetts suffered no hardships. He confirmed all existing arrangements regarding land, taxes, and town organization, and, knowing Massachusetts and the temper of her people as well as he did, he took pains to write to the King that it would be helpful to all concerned if the Government could have a representative assembly. To grant the people a share in government would, he believed, appease discontent on one side and help to fill an empty treasury on the other; but nothing came of his suggestion.

Throughout New England as a whole, the daily routine of life was pursued without regard to the particular form of government established in Boston. In Massachusetts the election of deputies stopped, but in other respects the town meetings carried on their usual business. In other colonies no changes whatever took place. Men tilled the soil, went to church, gathered in town meetings, and ordered their ordinary affairs as they had done for half a century. The seaports felt the change more than did the inland towns, for the enforcement of the navigation acts interfered somewhat with the old channels of trade and led to the introduction of a court of vice-admiralty which Dudley held for the first time in July to try ships engaged in illicit trade. Over the forts and the royal offices fluttered a new flag, bearing a St. George's cross on a white field, with the initials J. R. and a crown embroidered in gold in the center of the cross, that same cross which Endecott had cut from the flag half a century before. To many the new flag was the symbol of anti-Christ, and Cotton Mather judged it a sin to have the cross restored; but others felt with Sewall, the diarist, who said of the fall of the old government: "The foundations being destroyed, what can the righteous do?"

Perhaps the greatest innovation—in any case, the novelty that aroused the largest amount of curiosity and excitement—was the service according to the Book of Common Prayer, held at first in the library room of the Town House, and afterwards by arrangement in the South Church, and conducted by the Reverend Robert Ratcliffe in a surplice, before a congregation composed not only of professed Anglicans but also of many men of Boston who had never before seen the Church of England form of worship. The Anglican rector, by his somewhat unfortunate habit of running over the time allowance and keeping the waiting Congregationalists from entering their own church for the enjoyment of their own form of worship, caused almost as much discontent as did the dancing-master of whom the ministers had complained the year before, who set his appointments on Lecture days and declared that by one play he could teach more divinity than Mr. Willard or the Old Testament. Other "provoking evils" show that not all the breaches in the walls were due to outside attacks. A list of twelve such evils was drawn up in 1675, and the crimes which were condemned, and which were said to be committed chiefly by the younger sort, included immodest wearing of the hair by men, strange new fashions of dress, want of reverence at worship, profane cursing, tippling, breaking the Sabbath, idleness, overcharges by the merchants, and the "loose and sinful habit of riding from town to town, men and women together, under pretence of going to lectures, but really to drink and revel in taverns." The law forbidding the keeping of Christmas Day had to be repealed in 1681. Mrs. Randolph, when attending Mr. Willard's preaching at the South Church, was observed "to make a curtsey" at the name of Jesus "even in prayer time"; and the colony was threatened with "gynecandrical or that which is commonly called Mixt or Promiscuous Dancing," and with marriage according to the form of the Established Church. The old order was changing, but not without producing friction and bitterness of spirit. The orthodox brethren stigmatized Ratcliffe as "Baal's priest," and the ministers from their pulpits denounced the Anglican prayers as "leeks, garlick, and trash." The upholders of the covenant were convinced that already "the Wild Beasts of the Field" were assailing the colony.

Randolph journeyed on horseback twice to Rhode Island, and once to Connecticut, serving his writs upon those colonies. Rhode Island agreed willingly enough to surrender her charter without a suit, but the authorities of Connecticut, knowing that the time for the return of the writ had expired, gave no answer, debating among themselves whether it would not be better, if they had to give in, to join New York rather than Massachusetts. Randolph attributed their hesitation to their dislike of Dudley, for whom he had begun to entertain an intense aversion. He charged Dudley with connivance against himself, interference with his work, appropriation of his fees, and too great friendliness toward the old faction in Boston. Before the provisional government had come to an end, he was writing home that Dudley was a "false president," conducting affairs in his private interest, a lukewarm supporter of the Anglican church, a backslider from his Majesty's service, turning "windmill-like to every gale." Such was Dudley's fate in an era of transition—hated by the old faction as an appointee of the Stuarts and by Randolph as a weak servant of the Crown. Writing in November, Randolph longed for the coming of the real governor, who would put a check upon the country party and bring to an end the time-serving and trimming of a president whom he deemed no better than a Puritan governor.

The new Governor-General, who entered Boston harbor in the Kingfisher on December 19, 1686, was Sir Edmund Andros, a few years before the Duke of York's Governor for the propriety of New York. Andros at this time was forty-nine years old; he was a soldier by training and a man of considerable experience in positions requiring executive ability. His career had been an honorable one, and no charges involving his honesty, loyalty, or personal conduct had ever been entered against him. When he was in New York, he had been brought on several occasions into contact with the Massachusetts leaders, and though their relations had never been sympathetic, they had not been unfriendly. While in England from 1681 to 1686, he had been freely consulted regarding the best method of dealing with the problems in America and had shown himself in full accord with that policy of the Lords of Trade which attempted to consolidate the northern colonies into a single government for the execution of the acts of trade and defense against the encroachments of the French and Indians. He was probably fully aware of the difficulties that confronted the new experiment, but as a soldier he was ready to obey orders. His natural disposition and military training rendered him impatient of obstacles, and his unfamiliarity with any form of popular government—for New York had been controlled by a governor and council only—made extremely uncertain his success in New England, where affairs had been managed by the easy-going, dilatory method of debate and discussion. As a disciplinarian, he could not appreciate the New Englander's fondness for disputation and argument; as a soldier, he was certain to obey to the full the letter of his instructions; and, as an Anglican, he was likely to favor the church and churchmen of his choice. He was not a diplomat, nor was he gifted with the silver tongue of oratory or the spirit of compromise. He came to New England to execute a definite plan, and he was given no discretion as to the form of government he was to set up. He and his advisory council were to make the laws, levy taxes, exercise justice, and command the militia. He was not allowed to call a popular assembly or to recognize in any way the highly prized institutions of the colony.

On December 20, Andros, his officers, and guard, clad in the brilliant uniforms of soldiers of the British establishment, landed at Leverett's wharf and marched through the local militia up King's Street to the Town House, where he read his commission and administered the oaths. Except for the royal commissioners of 1664, no British officer or soldier had hitherto set foot on the streets of Boston. Redcoats had been sent to New York and Virginia, but never before had they appeared in New England, and this visible sign of British authority must have seemed to many ominous for the future.

Andros's early impressions of what he saw were not flattering to the colony. He found the people still suffering from the devastating effects of the late war and further harassed by bad harvests, disasters at sea, and two serious fires which had recently done much damage in the city. He found the fortifications in bad repair, almost all the gun-carriages unserviceable, no magazines of powder or other stores of war, no small arms, except a few old matchlocks, and those unsizable and in poor condition, no storehouses or accommodations for officers or soldiers, and no adequate ramparts or redoubts.

Now the work that Andros had come over to perform, and that which was most important in his eyes, was the defense of New England against the French. The contest between the two nations for control of the New World had already begun. The territory between Hudson Bay and the St. Lawrence and that between the Penobscot and the St. Croix were already in dispute, and New Englanders had taken their part in the conflict. When Governor of New York, Andros had become aware of the French danger, and his successor Dongan had proved himself capable of holding the Iroquois Indians to their allegiance to the English and of extending the beaver trade in the Mohawk Valley. But at this juncture reports kept coming in of renewed incursions of the French, led by the Canadian nobility, into the regions south of Lakes Erie and Ontario, and of new forts on territory that the English claimed as their own. There was increasing danger that the French would embroil the Indians of the Five Nations and, by drawing them into a French alliance, threaten not only the fur trade but the colonies themselves. The French Governor, Denonville, declared that the design of the King his master was the conversion of the infidels and the uniting of "all these barbarous people in the bosom of the Church"; but Dongan, though himself a Roman Catholic, saw no truth in this explanation and demanded that the French demolish their forts and retire to Canada, whence they had come. Just as this quarrel with the French threatened to arouse the Indians in northwestern New York, so it threatened to arouse, as eventually it did arouse, the Indians along the northern frontier of New England. To the authorities in England and to Andros in America, this menace of French aggression was one of the dangers which the Dominion of New England was intended to meet, and the substitution of a single civil and military head for the slow-moving and ineffective popular assemblies was designed to make possible an energetic military campaign.

Andros had no sooner organized his council and got his government into running order than he began to prosecute measures for improving the defenses of the colony. He sent soldiers to Pemaquid to occupy and strengthen the fort there, and himself began the reconstruction of the fortifications of Boston. He turned his attention to Fort Hill at the lower end of the town, erected a palisaded embankment with four bastions, a house for the garrison, and a place for a battery; later he leveled the hill on Castle Island in the harbor, and built there a similar palisade and earthwork and barracks for the soldiers. He took a survey of military stores, made application to England for guns and ammunition, endeavored to put the train-bands of the colony in as good shape as possible, and in 1688 went to Pemaquid to inspect the northern defenses as far as the Penobscot. He kept in close touch with Governor Dongan, and promised to send him, as rapidly as he could, men and money in case of a French invasion.

To make his work more effective he took steps to bring Connecticut immediately under his control. Rhode Island had already submitted and had sent its members to sit with the council at Boston. But Connecticut had avoided giving a direct answer, although a third writ of quo warranto had been served upon her, on December 28, 1686. Consequently Andros wrote to the recalcitrant colony, saying that he had been instructed to receive the surrender of the charter. To this letter, the Governor and magistrates of Connecticut replied that they preferred to remain as they were, but that, if annexation was to be their lot, they would be willing to join with Massachusetts, their old neighbor and friend, rather than with New York. Dongan, perplexed by the heavy expenses involved in the military defense of his colony and wishing to have the use of additional revenues, had hoped that he might persuade the Connecticut Government to come under the control of New York, but Connecticut preferred Massachusetts and had stated this preference in her letter. Andros and the Lords of Trade deemed the reply favorable, although in fact it was ingeniously noncommittal, and they took steps to complete the annexation.

On receiving a special letter of instructions from the King, Andros set out in person for Hartford, accompanied by a number of gentlemen, two trumpeters, and a guard of fifteen or twenty redcoats, "with small guns and short lances in the tops of them." He journeyed probably by way of Norwich, crossing the Connecticut River at Wethersfield, where he was met by a troop of sixty cavalry and escorted to Hartford. There, on October 31, 1687, the Governor, magistrates, and militia awaited his coming. Seated in the Governor's chair in the tavern chamber where the assembly was accustomed to meet, he caused his commission to be read, declared the old Government dissolved, selected two of those present as members of his council, and the next day appointed the necessary officials for the colony. Thence he went to Fairfield, New Haven, and New London, commissioning justices of the peace for those counties and organizing the customs service. No resistance was made to his proceedings, though it was generally understood in the colony that the charter itself had been spirited away and hidden in the hollow of an oak tree, henceforth famous as the Charter Oak.

Connecticut and the other colonies became for the time being administrative districts of the larger dominion. Their assemblies everywhere ceased to meet, that of Rhode Island for five years. Courts, provided by the act of December, 1687, were, however, generally held. The superior court for Connecticut sat four times in 1688 and the county courts, quarter sessions and common pleas, where appeared the newly appointed justices of the peace, sat for Hartford County, the one ten times and the other thirteen times during 1688 and 1689. But the surviving records of their meetings are few and references to their work very rare. The ordinary business of everyday life was carried on by the towns alone, which continued their usual activities undisturbed. In Connecticut, before Andros arrived, the assembly had taken the precaution to issue formal patents of land to the towns and to grant the public lands of the colony to Hartford and Windsor to prevent their falling into the hands of the new Government. This act may at the time have seemed a wise one, but it made a great deal of trouble afterwards.

The Dominion of New England, which now extended from the Penobscot to the borders of New York, was organized as a centralized government, with the old colonies serving as counties for administration and the exercise of justice. But as plans for an expedition against the French began to mature, it became evident that, if the French were to be successfully met, a further extension of territory was necessary; so in April, 1688, a second commission was issued to Andros, constituting him Governor of all the territory from the St. Croix River to the fortieth parallel, and thus adding to his domain New York and the Jerseys. Delaware and Pennsylvania were excepted by special royal intervention. Dongan was recalled, and Francis Nicholson was appointed lieutenant-governor under Andros, with his residence in New York.

Thus on paper Andros was Governor-General of a single territory running from the Delaware River and the northern boundary of Pennsylvania northward to the St. Lawrence, eastward to the St. Croix, and westward to the Pacific. There was an attempt here to reproduce, in size and organization, the French Dominion of Canada, but the likeness was only in appearance. To organize and defend his territory, Andros had two companies of British regulars, half a dozen trained officers, the local train-bands, which were not to be depended on for distant service, and a meager supply of guns and ammunition. Instead of having under him a body of colonials, such as were the belligerent gentlemen of Canada, who were eager to take part in raids against the English and who led their savage followers with the craft of the redskin and the intelligence of the white man, he had many separate groups of people. Averse to war and accustomed to govern themselves, most of these distrusted him and wanted to be rid of him, and desired only the restoration of their old governments without regard to those dangers which they were fully convinced they could meet quite as well themselves.

Though Andros's authority stretched over such an enormous territory, his actual government was confined to Massachusetts and the northern frontier. He paid very little attention to Connecticut, Plymouth, and Rhode Island. With but two or three exceptions, the meetings of his council were held in Boston; the laws passed affected the people of that colony; and the complaints against him were chiefly of Massachusetts origin. Massachusetts was his real enemy, and it was Massachusetts that finally overthrew him. Andros was a soldier who never forgot the main object of his mission, and it is hardly surprising that he showed neither tact nor patience in his dealings with a colony that did little else but check and thwart the plans that had been entrusted to him for execution. The people of Massachusetts charged him with tyranny and despotism. Their leaders, many of whom were members of his council, complained of the council proceedings, which, they said, were controlled by Andros and his favorites, so that debate was curtailed, objections were overruled, and the vote of the majority was ignored. There is much truth in the charge, for Andros was self-willed, imperious, and impatient of discussion. On the other hand the Puritan leaders inordinately loved controversy and debate. If Andros was peremptory, the Puritan councillors were obstructive.

A more legitimate charge was the absence of a representative assembly and the levying of taxes by the fiat of the council. But Andros had no choice in this matter: he was compelled to govern according to his instructions. Not only was his treasury usually empty, but he was always confronted with the heavy expense of fortification and of protecting the frontier. He does not appear to have been excessive in his demands, and in case of any unusual levies, as of duties and customs, he referred the matter to the Crown for its consent. But, as Englishmen, the people preferred to levy their own taxes and considered any other method of imposition as contrary to their just rights. Andros consequently had a great deal of trouble in raising money. Even in the council, tax laws were passed with difficulty, and the people of Essex County, notably in town meetings at Topsfield and Ipswich, protested vigorously against the levying of a rate without the consent of an assembly. John Wise, the Ipswich minister, and others were arrested and thrown into jail, and on trial Wise, according to his own report of the matter, was told by Dudley, the chief-justice, "You have no more privileges left you than to be sold as slaves." Wise was fined and suspended from the ministry, and it is possible that his recollection of events was affected by the punishment imposed.

In the matter of property, land titles, quit-rents, and fees, the colonists had warrant for their criticism and their displeasure. Many of those whom Andros associated with himself were New Yorkers who had served with considerable success in their former positions, but who had all the characteristics of typical royal officials. To the average English officeholder of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, office was considered not merely an opportunity for service but also an opportunity for profit. Hitherto Massachusetts had been free from men of this class, common enough elsewhere and destined to become more common as the royal colonies increased in number. Palmer, the judge, Graham, the attorney-general, and West, the secretary, hardly deserve the stigma of placemen, for they possessed ability and did their duty as they saw it, but their standards of duty were different from those held in Massachusetts. People in England did not at this time view public office as a public trust, which is a modern idea. Appointments under the Crown went by purchase or favor, and, once obtained, were a source of income, a form of investment. Massachusetts and other New England colonies were far ahead of their time in giving shape to the principle that a public official was the servant of those who elected him, but to such men as Randolph and West and the whole office-holding world of this period, such an idea was unthinkable. They served the King and for their service were to receive their reward, and such men in America looked on fees and grants of land as legitimate perquisites. In New York they had been able to gratify their needs, but in Massachusetts such a view of office ran counter to the traditions and customs of the place, and attempts to apply it caused resentment and indignation. The efforts of these men, among whom Randolph was the prince of beggars, to obtain grants of land, to destroy the validity of existing titles, to levy quit-rents, and to exact heavy fees, were a menace to the prosperity of the colony; while the further attempt to destroy the political importance of the towns by prohibiting town meetings, except once a year, was an attack on one of the most fundamental parts of the whole New England system. Andros himself, though laboring to break the resisting power of the colony, never used his office for purposes of gain.

That the Massachusetts people should oppose these attempts to alter the methods of government which had been in vogue for half a century was inevitable, though some of the means they employed were certainly disingenuous. Their leaders, both lay and clerical, were unsurpassed in genius for argument and at this time outdid themselves. When Palmer was able to show that, according to English law, their land-titles were in many cases defective, they fell back on an older title than that of the Crown and derived their right from God, "according to his Grand Charter to the Sons of Adam and Noah." More culpable was the revival of the unfortunate habit of misrepresentation and calumny which had too often characterized the treatment of the enemy in Boston, and the spreading of rumors that Andros, who spent a part of the winter of 1688-1689 in Maine taking measures for defense, was in league with the French and was furnishing the Indians with arms and ammunition for use against the English. Such reports represent perhaps merely the desperate and half-hysterical methods of a people who did not know where to turn for the protection of their institutions. A wiser and shrewder move was made in the spring of 1688, when a group of prominent men determined to appeal to England for relief and sent Increase Mather, the influential pastor of the old North Church, across the ocean to plead their cause with the Crown.

But relief was nearer than they expected. On November 5, 1688, William of Orange, summoned from Holland to uphold the constitutional liberties of Protestant England, landed at Torbay, and before the end of the year James II had fled to France. Rumors of the projected invasion had come to Boston as early as December, and reports of its success had reached the ears of the people there during the March following. Finally on April 4, John Winslow, arriving from Nevis, brought written copies of the Prince's declaration, issued from Holland, and two weeks later, on April 18, the leaders in the city, including many members of Andros's council, supported by the people of Boston and its neighborhood, rose in revolt, overthrew the government of Andros, and brought tumbling down the whole structure of the Dominion of New England, which had never from the beginning had any real or stable foundation. Having armed themselves, they seized Captain George, commander of the royal frigate, the Rose, lying in the harbor, as he came ashore to find out the cause of the noise and the tumult. Then they moved on to Fort Hill, where Andros, Randolph, and others had taken refuge. Here they defied the soldiers, who refused to fire, captured the fort, and carried their prisoners off to be lodged in private houses or the common jail. On the following day, they forced the Castle Island fort in the harbor to surrender and then imprisoned its commander; they demanded of the lieutenant in charge the delivery of the royal frigate and carried off the sails; and as nothing would satisfy the country people who came armed into the town in the afternoon but the closer confinement of Andros, they removed him from the private house where he had been lodged to the fort in the town. So excited was the populace and so serious the danger of injury to those in confinement, that West, Palmer, and Graham were sent to the fort on Castle Island for protection; Andros, after two futile attempts at escape, was lodged in the same quarters, while Randolph, as deserving of no consideration, was thrust ignominiously into jail. On the third day a council of safety, consisting of thirty-seven members, with the old Governor, Bradstreet, eighty-six years old, at its head, was organized to prepare the way for the reestablishment of the former Government. The council summoned a convention which, after hesitation and delay, authorized elections for a House of Representatives and the resumption of all the old forms and powers. On June 6, the assembly met, and to all appearances Massachusetts was once more governing herself as if the charter had never been annulled.

The other colonies followed the example of Massachusetts, and miniature revolutions took place in Plymouth, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, where the Andros commissions offered few obstacles to the renewal of the old forms. In a majority of cases the old officials were at hand, ready to take up their former duties. Plymouth, having no charter, simply returned to her old way of life, precarious and uncertain as it was; but Rhode Island and Connecticut took the position that as their charters had not been vacated by law, they were still valid and had not been impaired by the brief intermission in the governments provided by them. In this opinion the colonies were upheld by the law officers in England. Before the middle of the summer, practically all traces of the Andros regime had disappeared, except for the prisoners in confinement at Boston and the bitterness which still rankled in the hearts of the people of Massachusetts. There was no such intensity of feeling in the other colonies, where the loss of the assembly was the main grievance, though in Connecticut the resumption of authority by the old leaders roused the animosity of a small but energetic faction which said that the charter was dead and could not be revived, and demanded a closer dependence on the Crown. Henceforth, that colony had to reckon with a hostile group within its own borders, one that deemed the institutions and laws of the colony oppressive and unjust, and that for a time resisted the authority of what its leaders called a "pretended" government. During the years that followed, these men made many efforts to break down the independence of the corporate government, and to this extent the rule of Andros left a permanent mark upon the colony.



CHAPTER XI

THE END OF AN ERA

But the future of the New England colonies was to be decided in England and not in America. If the orthodox leaders in the colony thought that the new King had levelling sympathies or would thrust aside the policy already adopted by the English authorities for the defense of the colonies and the maintenance of the acts of trade, they greatly misjudged the situation. King William, though a Protestant, was no lover of revolution, and, though he had himself engaged in one, he could assert the dignity of the prerogative with as much vigor as any Stuart. He was not a politician, but a soldier, and he was quite as likely to see the necessity of organizing New England for defense against the enemy as he was to listen favorably to appeals from Massachusetts for a restoration of her charter.

Increase Mather had gone to England in 1688 to petition James II for relief from the burdens of the Andros rule. His impressive personality, his power as a ready and forcible speaker, his resourcefulness and energy, and his acquaintance with influential men in England, both Anglicans and Dissenters, made him the most effective agent who had ever gone to England in the interest of the colony. He was able to bring the grievances of Massachusetts to the personal attention of James II; and he had received hope of a confirmation of land titles and permission to call a general assembly, when the flight of the King brought his efforts to naught. He then turned to the new Parliament, hoping to save the colony by means of a rider to the bill for restoring corporations to their ancient rights and privileges; but the dissolution of this body ended hopeful efforts in that direction also. A year's "Sisyphean labor" came to nothing. No remedy remained except an appeal to the new King, and during 1690 and 1691, the reconstruction of Massachusetts became one of the most important questions brought before the Lords of Trade. William III and his advisers were agreed on one point: that Massachusetts should never again be independent as she formerly had been, but should be brought within the immediate control of the Crown, through a governor of the King's appointment. They took the ground that, with a French war already begun, it was no time to discuss colonial rights and privileges, for the demands of the empire took precedence over all questions of a merely local character in America.

Andros was now recalled and instructions were sent to Massachusetts to release all her prisoners. With their arrival in England in February, 1690, the debate before the committee went on in a new and livelier fashion. Randolph renewed his complaints in every form known to his inventive mind; Andros presented his defense and was relieved of all charges of mal-administration; Mather and others contested every move of their opponents and sought to obtain as favorable terms as possible for Massachusetts; while Oakes and Cooke, sent over by the colony as its official agents and representing the uncompromising Puritan wing, hindered rather than helped the cause by insisting that no concessions should be made and that Massachusetts should receive a confirmation of all her former privileges. Mather's success was noteworthy. He could not prevent the appointment of a royal governor or the separation of New Hampshire from Massachusetts, nor could he obtain the right of coinage for the colony; but he did secure the permanent annexation of Maine and the Plymouth colony, and a large measure of appointive power and legislative control for the people. In some ways most significant of all, he obtained from the Crown the noteworthy concession that the council of the colony should be chosen by the general assembly and not be appointed from England, as was the case with all the other royal colonies. Even New Hampshire eventually had the same governor as Massachusetts, thus preserving a union for all central and northern New England, which was destined to last for forty-four years.

The charter of 1691 was a compromise between the old government which had existed in Massachusetts since 1630 and that of a regular royal colony, and as such it satisfied neither party. It was greeted in Massachusetts with vehement disapproval by the old faction, who charged Mather with flagrantly deserting his trust; and in England it was viewed as a shameful concession to the whims of the Puritans. This yoking together of parts of two systems, corporate and royal, was to give rise in Massachusetts in the succeeding century to a struggle for control that deeply affected the course of the colony's later history.

* * * * *

In all the New England colonies, the fall of Andros and the close of the century marked the end of an era in which the dominant impulse was the religious purpose that actuated the original colonists in coming to America. The desire for a political isolation that would preserve the established religious system intact was exceedingly strong in the seventeenth century, but it ceased to be as strong in the century that followed. The fathers gave way to the children; the settlements grew rapidly in size, increased their output of staple products beyond what they needed for themselves, and became vastly interested in trade and commerce with all parts of the Atlantic world. Towns grew into larger towns and cities; and Portsmouth, Newbury, Salem, Marblehead, Boston, Newport, New London, Hartford, Wethersfield, Middletown, New Haven, Fairfield, and Stamford became, in varying degrees, centers of an increasing population and of new business interests that brought New England into closer contact with the other colonies, with the West Indies, and with the Old World. England became involved in the long struggle with France and not only called on the colonies to aid her in military campaigns against the French in America, but endeavored to bring them within the scope of her colonial empire. All these influences tended to expand the life of New England and to force its people more and more out of their isolation. Yet, despite this fact, the Puritan colonies—Connecticut and Rhode Island especially—continued to lie in large part outside the pale of British control and example, and their inhabitants continued to accept religion and the Puritan standards of morals as the guide of their daily lives.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

The standard authority on the subjects treated in the volume is J. G. Palfrey, History of New England, 5 vols. (1858-1864, 1875-1890), a work of broad scholarship and written in a not uninteresting style, but indiscriminating in its defense of Massachusetts and without any understanding of the purpose and attitude of the English authorities. In somewhat the same class are G. E. Ellis, The Puritan Age (1888), a dry book but less given to special pleading, and Justin Winsor, The Memorial History of Boston, 4 vols. (1880-1882), a series of essays with elaborate notes and bibliographies, presenting in a fragmentary way the conventional view of the period. Less frankly favorable to New England is J. A. Doyle, English Colonies in America: The Puritan Colonies, 2 vols. (1887), a work of value, but diffuse in style and often confused in treatment, and, though written by an Englishman, displaying little interest in the English side of the story. The chapters in Edward Channing, History of the United States, vol. i (1905), that relate to the subject, are scholarly and always interesting; while those in H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 3 vols. (1904-1907), contain the ablest accounts we have of the institutional characteristics of the period.

There are few good histories of the individual colonies. Those deserving of mention are: Thomas Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts Bay, 2 vols. (1764-1767); S. G. Arnold, History of the State of Rhode Island, 2 vols. (4th ed. 1894); Irving B. Richman, Rhode Island (1904, American Commonwealth Series); B. Trumbull, Complete History of Connecticut, 2 vols. (new ed. 1898); A. Johnson, Connecticut (2d ed. 1903, American Commonwealth Series); E. Atwater, History of the Colony of New Haven (1881); W. H. Fry, New Hampshire as a Royal Province (1908); W. D. Williamson, History of the State of Maine (1832); H. S. Burrage, The Beginnings of Colonial Maine (1914). Hutchinson and Trumbull are classics; Arnold is one of the best of the state histories; Richman and Johnson are short and readable; Fry deals with the institutional life of the colony; Williamson is old-fashioned and poor; but Burrage is authoritative.

Special works are: H. M. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims (1905), a very valuable and learned account; C. F. Adams, Three Episodes of Massachusetts History, 2 vols. (1892), treating of the antecedents of Boston, the Antinomian Controversy, and church and town government, the first essay especially being indispensable; R. M. Jones, The Quakers in the American Colonies (1911), the fairest account of the Quakers in New England. W. De L. Love, The Colonial History of Hartford (1914); W. E. Weeden, Early Rhode Island (1910); and G. S. Kimball, Providence in Colonial Times (1912), are in every way excellent, that of Love being a minutely critical analysis of the Connecticut settlement. W. E. Weeden, Social and Economic History of New England, 2 vols. (1891), is a valuable collection of information. Certain chapters in Edward Eggleston's Transit of Civilization (1901) treat of the mental outfit of the colonists; and M. W. Jernegan in the School Review, June, 1915, deals with the beginnings of public education in New England; G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, 1660-1688, 2 vols. (1912), and C. M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622-1675 (1908), concern British policy and administration in the seventeenth century.

Biographies varying greatly in value and manner of treatment follow: R. C. Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, 2 vols. (2d ed. 1869); G. L. Walker, Thomas Hooker (1891, Makers of America Series); J. H. Twichell, John Winthrop (1891, id.); A. Steele, Elder Brewster (1857); L. G. Jones, Samuel Gorton (1896); A. Gorton, The Life and Times of Samuel Gorton (1907); O. S. Straus, Roger Williams (1894); M. E. Hall, Roger Williams (1917); T. W. Bicknell, Story of Dr. John Clarke (1915); J. M. Taylor, Roger Ludlow (1900); J. K. Hosmer, Young Sir Harry Vane (1888); A Memoir of Sir John Leverett, Knt. (1856); and in American Biography, 10 vols., are lives of John Mason by G. E. Ellis, Roger Williams by William Gammell, Samuel Gorton by John M. Mackie, and Anne Hutchinson by G. E. Ellis, though none of them is particularly satisfactory.

The original sources for the period are: the Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial, vols. i, ii (1908-1910); The Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, vols. i-viii, 1574-1692 (1860-1901); and the colonial records of Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire. Collections of narratives and letters may be found in the publications of the Prince Society [C. H. Bell, John Wheelwright and his Writings (1876); C. F. Adams, Morton's New England Canaan (1883); C. W. Tuttle, Capt. John Mason (1887); J. P. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 3 vols. (1890); C. F. Adams, Antinomianism in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay (1894); R. N. Toppan, Edward Randolph, 7 vols. (1898-1909, last two volumes edited by A. T. S. Goodrick)]; and in the Original Narratives of Early American History [W. T. Davis, Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation (1908); J. K. Hosmer, Winthrop's Journal, 2 vols. (1908); J. F. Jameson, Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence of Sion's Saviour in New England (1911); C. H. Lincoln, Narratives of the Indian Wars (1913); G. L. Burr, Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases (1914); C. M. Andrews, Narratives of the Insurrections (1915)]. A sumptuous edition of Bradford's history has been edited for the Massachusetts Historical Society, by W. C. Ford, 2 vols. (1915). S. Sewall's Diary, 3 vols. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 5th series, 1878-1882) and Cotton Mather's Magnalia, 2 vols. (1853) are important. W. Walker, The Creeds and Platforms of Congregationalism (1893) is of great value. C. W. Sawyer, Firearms in American History (1910), has an excellent chapter on firearms in colonial times.

The articles on Boston, New England, Massachusetts, Plymouth, Friends (Society of), etc., in The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, should be referred to for additional bibliographies.



INDEX

Agawam (Springfield), 61, 62

Allerton, Isaac, 17

Ambrose, The, ship, 29

Amsterdam, Separatists gather at, 7

"Ancient and Honorable Artillery," 135

Andros, Sir Edmund, takes part in case against Massachusetts, 156; Governor of Massachusetts, 174 et seq.; strengthens fortifications, 179-80; New York and New Jersey added to his domain, 183-84; attention confined to Massachusetts, 184-85; recalled, 196

Anne, The, ship, 13

Aquidneck, Island of, 48, 55

Arabella, The, ship, 29

Aspinwall, 48

Augsburg, settlement of (1555), 4

Aulnay-Charnise, Charles de Menou, Sieur d', 95-96

Bartlett, Robert, 84

Bay Colony, see Massachusetts Bay Colony

Blackstone, William, 23, 24

Blessing of the Bay, The, ship, 78

Boston, Puritans from England settle at, 29; half the colonists live in or near, 35; treatment of Quakers in, 79-80; importance of, 164; grows into a city, 198; see also Shawmut

Boswell. Sir William, quoted, 97

Bradford, William, in Scrooby, 7; quoted, 15-16; Governor of Plymouth, 17; History of Plimouth Plantation, 19; dead before 1660, 78

Bradstreet, Governor of Massachusetts, 191

Bradstreet, Simon, 103

Branford, (Conn.), 70

Brenton, Governor, quoted, 114

Brewster, William, father of William, elder of Plymouth, 6

Brewster, William, Elder of Plymouth, 6, 8

Browne, John, 41

Browne, Samuel, 41

Bulkeley, Peter, 156

Cambridge platform (1648), 79

Canonchet, Indian chief, 142, 143, 144

Carr, Sir Robert, 119, 122

Cartwright, George, Colonel, 119, 122

Carver, John, Governor of Plymouth, 13

Charity, The, ship, 13

Charlestown (Mass.), 29, 35

Charter Oak, 181

Child, Dr. Robert, 38, 116

Church, Benjamin, Captain, 142

Clarendon, Lord, Prime Minister of England, 113, 116, 117, 120-21, 126

Clark, John, of Newbury, 83

Clarke, Dr. John, 47, 48, 103, 106, 112, 113

Clayton, Richard, 6

Coddington, William, 43, 47, 48, 49, 54-55

Coggeshall, one of founders of Portsmouth, 48

Connecticut, leaders who influenced, 47; settled by Massachusetts people, 56; four claimants for, 57; migration from Massachusetts, 57-61; commission government, 60-61; government, 62-64; witchcraft in, 81; sends petition to England, 103-04; charter granted (1662), 108; extends authority of colony, 108-10; claims Long Island, 130; title under charter recognized by Massachusetts, 131; debates joining New York, 173; Andros endeavors to bring under control, 180; consents to join Massachusetts, 180-82; renews old forms, 192

Cooke, a leader of conservatives in Boston, 164

Cotton, John, 78

Council for Foreign Plantations, Committee of the, 34

Danforth, a leader of conservatives in Boston, 164

Davenport, John, of New Haven, 47, 67, 68, 78, 111, 112

Deerfield (Mass.), massacre of, 141

Delfthaven, Pilgrims embark at, 10

Denonville, Marquis de, Governor of Canada, 178

Denton, Richard, 70

Desborough, 78

Dongan, Colonel, Governor of New York, 178, 180, 183

Dorchester (Mass.), 35

Dover (N. H.), 65, 66

Downing, Emanuel, 35

Dudley, Joseph, 168, 169-70, 173-74

Dudley, Thomas, 28

Dyer, Mary, 80

Eaton, Samuel, 67

Eaton, Theophilus, 47, 67, 68, 69

Education in New England, 83-85

Eliot, John, 94

Endecott, John, in congregation of Rev. John White, 24; sent as governor to Salem, 25; disregards claims of Gorges, 26; defaces royal ensign at Salem, 32; banishes colonists for religious differences, 41; signs petition to England, 104

England, in early seventeenth century, 2 et seq.; awakes to importance of colonies, 101-102; new colonial policy, 102-103; affairs in seventeenth century, 126-27; attitude toward Massachusetts, 150; finances under Charles II., 151-152; future of New England decided in, 194

Exeter (N. H.), 65, 66

Fairfield (Conn.), 198

Feudal system in England, 2, 3

Fortune, The, ship, 13

Fuller, Dr. Samuel, 37, 83

Fundamental orders, 62-64

Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 31, 41

George, Captain of the Rose, 190

Gilds, 3-4

Goodyear, Stephen, 77

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 22-23, 25, 26, 29-30, 30-34, 65

Gorges, Robert, 23, 25

Gorges, Thomas, 35

Gorton, Samuel, 49-51

Graham, Attorney-General of Massachusetts, 187, 191

"Great Fundamentals, The," 18

Greenwich (Conn.), 109, 133

Guilford (Conn.), 70, 109

Half-Way Covenant, 79, 93-94

Hampton (N. H.), 66

Handmaid, The, ship, 13

Hartford (Conn.), 61, 198

Harvard College, 84, 93

Hawkins, Jane, 83

Haynes, John, 35, 47, 58, 78

Higginson, Francis, 37

Hilton, Edward, 65

Holmes, O. W., quoted, 83

Holmes, William, 56

Hooke, 78

Hooker, Thomas, 47, 58, 60, 61, 62, 78

Hopkins, Edward, Governor, 84

House of Good Hope, 56

Humphrey, John, 28

Hutchinson, Anne, 41-42, 48, 98

Indians, trouble with, 133 et seq.; dealings with, 138-39; number in New England, 139

Jewel, The, ship, 29

Johnson, Lady Arabella, 35

Johnson, Isaac, 28

Jones, Christopher, captain of the Mayflower, 11-12

King Philip's War (1675-76), 136, 138, 139, 140-46

Kingfisher, The, ship, 174

Kirke, Percy, Colonel, 166-67

Lathrop, John, 67

La Tour, Charles de, 95-96

Laud, Archbishop, 32

Laud Commission, 34

Leete, Governor, 111

Leyden, Separatists move to, 7

London, as a center of Separatism, 6

Long Island, uncertainty as to jurisdiction, 129-30

Ludlow, Roger, 47, 58, 78, 98

Lynn, Henry, 41

Maine, settled, 65; under jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 66-67; status undecided, 132; military preparedness, 135; permanently annexed to Massachusetts, 197

Marblehead (Mass.), 198

Mason, John, Captain, 30-31, 34, 65, 136

Massachusetts Bay Colony, 21 et seq.; begins as fishing venture, 24; obtains patent for land, 25; founded, 29; Gorges attempts overthrow of, 30-34; growth (1630-40), 34-36; time of stress, 36; government, 37-40; religious intolerance, 41-43; commercial ventures, 78; leader among colonies, 100-01; sends petition to King, 103; restoration of Stuarts causes trouble for, 104-05; charter confirmed, 105; religious liberty defined by King, 105-06; inquiry into affairs by Clarendon, 116-18; commissioners sent to, 118 et seq.; franchise law modified, 121; defies commission, 123-126; recognizes Connecticut's title (1672), 131; asserts right to control Maine and New Hampshire, 132; military preparedness, 135; Randolph inquires into affairs, 147; new instructions to royal governors, 148-49; attitude of England toward, 148-52; inquiry by Randolph, 154-56; mission sent to England, 156-57; purchases title to Maine and estranges England further, 158-59; royal orders in regard to trade and religious liberty, 159-60; attitude toward England, 160-61; sends agents to England, 162; charter forfeited (1684), 163; grows more liberal, 164; territory enlarged, 166; a royal colony, 166 et seq.; preliminary royal government, 168-69; changes in life of people, 170-73; faults in royal government, 185-89; government of Andros overthrown, 190; resumes self-government, 191; sends Mather to England, 194-96; charter of 1691, 197

Massachusetts Bay Company, charter granted (1629), 26; control passes to Puritans, 27

Massachusetts Commission, personnel, 118-19; object, 120-121; failure, 123-26

Mather, Cotton, quoted, 79

Mather, Increase, 194-95, 196

Maverick, Samuel, 23, 38, 116 et seq.

Mayflower, The, ship, 10, 11

Mayflower Compact, 12-13

Merrymount, 22

Middletown (Conn.), 198

Milford (Conn.), 70

Mishawum (Charlestown), 24

Moody, Lady Deborah, 35

Morrell, 23

Morton, Thomas, 22, 31, 34, 41, 47

Mount Wollaston, 22

Mystic, taken into Connecticut, 109

Naumkeag (Salem), 25

New Amsterdam, seized by English, 110

New England, people of, 72-73; settled by radicals, 73-74; lack of toleration in, 74; town life, 75-76; local color in various settlements, 76-78; witchcraft, 80-81; superstitions of people, 81-82; medicine and surgery, 82-83; education, 83-85; travel, 85-86; homes, 86; money, 86-87; reckoning of time, 87; respect for grants and charters, 88; attitude toward England, 88-90; organization in, 89; rivalry with Dutch and French, 90-91; confederation of colonies, 91 et seq.; trouble with the French, 94-96; trouble with the Dutch, 96-98; period of readjustment, 129 et seq.; Indian troubles, 133 et seq.; boundary disputes, 133; population, 139; menace from French, 177-79; Dominion of, 182-83; brought closer to English control, 199

New England Canaan, Morton, 32

New England Confederation see United Colonies of New England

New England Council, 9, 12, 22, 26, 30, 32-33

New Hampshire, influential leaders in, 47; controversy over title, 65; under jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 66-67; separation from Massachusetts, 67, 71; status undecided, 132; military preparedness, 135

New Haven, influential leaders in, 47; settled, 67-68; government, 68-70; combines other plantations under her, 70-71; absorbed by Conn., 71; commercial ventures, 77-78; witchcraft in, 81; misfortunes of, 110-11; surrenders to Connecticut, 111-12; confederation dissolved, 112

New London (Conn.), 198

New Netherlands, conquest of, 122

New Somersetshire, 65

Newark, founded, 112

Newbury, 198

Newport (R. I.), 49, 198

Nicholson, Francis, 183

Nicolls, Richard, 118, 119, 122

Norfolk, a center of Separatism, 6

Norton, John, 103

Nowell, a leader of conservatives in Boston, 164

Oldham, John, 56

Palmer, Judge, 187, 191

Partridge, Captain, 54, 55

Pawcatuck, taken into Connecticut, 109

Pequot War (1637), 136-37

Peters, Hugh, 59, 78

Pierson, Abraham, 46, 47, 112

Pilgrims, leave for Holland (1607-08), 7; reasons for leaving Holland, 8; decide to go to America, 8-9; conditions under which expedition was undertaken, 10; journey of the Mayflower, 10-12; draw up covenant, 12; life in Plymouth Colony, 14-19; greatness lies in religious influence, 19-20

Plymouth Colony, founded, 12-20; secures right to establish fishing colony, 24; submits to authority of Massachusetts, 71; fishing and trading, 77; witchcraft in, 81; sends mission to England, 104; military preparedness, 135; renews old forms, 192; permanently annexed to Massachusetts, 197

Plymouth, town of, 18

Pocasset (Portsmouth), 48

Portsmouth (N. H.), 66, 198

Portsmouth (R. I.), 51-52; see also Pocasset

Protestantism, controlled by state, 4

Providence, settled, 47-48; court of arbitration at, 51; charter unites with other settlements, 53; government under patent, 53-54

Puritans, obtain control of Massachusetts Bay Company, 27; reach Salem (1630), 29; become Separatists, 37; characteristics of the frontier, 46-47

Pynchon, William, 60, 62, 77

Quakers, come to Boston (1656), 79; treatment, 79-80

Quinnipiac, 68

Randolph, Edward, 147, 152-156, 160, 161, 162, 163, 167, 168, 173, 174, 196

Ratcliffe, Philip, 31, 41

Ratcliffe, Robert, 168-69, 171, 173

Reformation, The, 3

Rhode Island, leaders in, 47; individualism in, 56; colony of separatism, 79; not included in Confederation of colonies, 92; applies for charter, 103; conflicting boundary claims, 113; charter granted, (1663), 113-14; rival claims to, 115; unsettled conditions, 131; surrenders charter, 173; sends council members to Boston, 180; renews old forms, 192

Rhode Island settlements, Providence, 47-48; Pocasset, 48-49; Newport, 49; Shawomet or Warwick, 49

Robinson, John, 6-7, 8

Rossiter, Bray, of Guilford, 83, 111

Rowlandson, Mrs., 143

Roxbury (Mass.), 35

Salem (Mass.), 25, 198; see also Naumkeag

Salem witchcraft, 81

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 28, 35

Saybrook, 33, 40

Saye and Sele, Lord, 33, 106-07

Scott, John, Captain, 109, 130

Scrooby, Nottinghamshire, a center of Separatism, 6

Separatists, 5 et seq.

Setauket, 130

Shawmut (Boston), 23

Shawomet, 49

Sheffield, Lord, 24

Slavery forbidden in Rhode Island (1652), 54

Smith, John, 3, 11

Southold on Long Island, 70, 109

Speedwell, The, ship, 10

Springfield (Mass), becomes part of Mass., 62; center of fur trade, 77; see also Agawam

Stamford (Conn.), 70, 109, 133, 198

Standish, Miles, 3

Stiles party, 57

Stone, Samuel, 60

Stoughton, William, 156

Stuyvesant, Peter, 97, 109

Talbot, The, ship, 29

Uncas, Indian chief, 137

Underhill, 47

United Colonies of New England, 91

Vane, Henry, 33, 35, 40, 59

Vassall, William, 38

Virginia Company of London, 9

Virginia Company of Plymouth, 9

Walford, 24, 41

Warwick, Earl of, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32

Warwick, a Rhode Island settlement, 49

Watertown (Mass.), 35

Wessagusset (Quincy), 21, 22, 23

West, Secretary of Mass., 187, 191

Weston, Thomas, 10, 21

Wethersfield (Conn.), 61, 198

Weymouth (Mass.), 23

Wheelwright, John, 47, 65

White, Rev. John, 24, 27

Whitfield, 78

Whiting, 78

Williams, Roger, driven from Boston, 47; locates at Providence, 47-48; obtains charter, 52-53; quoted, 54; goes to England to confirm patent, 55; in 1660, 78

Windsor (Conn.), 61

Winnissimmet (Chelsea), 23-24

Winslow, Edward, 17, 38, 50, 52

Winslow, John, 190

Winslow, Josiah, General, 142

Winthrop, John, elected Governor of Mass. Bay Colony, 28; leader among the Puritans, 35; died before 1660, 78

Winthrop, John, son of the Governor, 40, 59, 83, 103-04, 106-07

Wise, John, 186

Witchcraft in New England, 80-81

Wollaston, Captain, 22

Wright, Richard, 41

Young, Alse, 81

Young, Captain, 130



Transcriber's Note: Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have been preserved. Typographical errors corrected in the text: Page 16 potle changed to pottle Page 57 irreconciliable changed to irreconcilable Page 67 Hamsphire changed to Hampshire Page 205 Arbella changed to Arabella Page 205 Brenten changed to Brenton Page 209 characteristcs changed to characteristics

THE END