Early in the afternoon, the regiments entered the cars of the Worcester Railroad, and the march to Washington was fairly begun. So long as daylight permitted, tokens of the uprising of the people of the commonwealth were everywhere visible; and when darkness had settled down around us, we caught glimpses of excited multitudes as the cars dashed on without stopping, by the brilliantly illuminated depots and settlements along the route. Our reception at Springfield was of a truly jubilant character. Refreshments in great profusion, and of the most appetizing kind were furnished and received a most cordial welcome within our hungry ranks. The streets were illuminated, and cannon thundered in every direction. Our stay was a short one; and we rattled on and on until the morning revealed the fact that we were in Connecticut and not far from New York.

It will require a more gifted pen than the one that traces these lines to picture the march of the "Old Sixth" through the city of New York. Never before had so deep because so peculiar an enthusiasm pervaded the people of that vast metropolis. Patriotism, under its normal and customary forms, had, on many previous occasions, been wrought up to an intense height; but now it was not to celebrate their national independence, but to secure their national existence, or rather, to settle the question whether the American people were, or were not a Nation.

At the St. Nicholas and other places, the wants of the regiment were sumptuously provided for. At the Astor House, the field and staff officers were entertained in a manner that left nothing to be desired.

Once more on the march, the regiment passed through the crowded streets, everywhere receiving welcome plaudits until they reached the ferry that conducted them to Hoboken, and the places en route to Baltimore and Washington. As we passed into the ferry boats to cross the river, a voice was heard above the tumult of the place and hour, "Good luck to you, boys, but some of you will never return by this route;" a prediction speedily fulfilled. Within about twenty-four hours, three of our number had been transferred to a higher department.

The passage through Delaware to Philadelphia was not marked by any incidents worthy of notice. Their long and weary pilgrimage had begun to change a brisk, wide-awake regiment into a common-place body of weary pilgrims, glad to find a shelter, without much questioning as to what it might be. Quarters were assigned us in the Gerard House which happened at that time to be unoccupied. For a brief period quiet ruled the hour, and the weary soldier had begun his dreams of home and happiness long before he was ready to stretch his limbs upon the mattresses that covered the floors of the spacious hotel.

Suddenly the "Long-roll" was heard echoing along the streets and through the halls of the Gerard House. The accoutrements and garments that had been doffed in readiness for sleep were hastely resumed; and at the word "Fall in," every man was in his place.

The "weight of affliction" in this crisis fell upon the field and staff officers. They had but just assembled in the drawing-room of the Continental Hotel, and gone through with those preliminary forms that are quite as indicative of a good appetite as of good manners, and were quiet taking their places at the table, amid the sumptuous surroundings of a dining hall at that time scarcely equalled on the continent, when Col. Jones entered the apartment, with the abrupt salutation, "Gentlemen, to your posts; we start for Baltimore immediately, the regiment awaits the order to march." "Vae mihi!" the writer of this paper felt that he might, under the circumstances of the moment, appropriate a few minutes of time's rapid flight to contemplate in sorrow and silence the scene of disappointment and woe. The little he still retained of classic lore brought back images of the Harpies, as he had read of them in Virgil. And even Sancho Panza thrust in his bullet head, with an asinine smile, as the writer recalled poor Sancho's distress at not sharing the feast so tantalizingly spread before him.

But, "hurry up" became the word when the drums and fifes gave notice that the regiment was on the move, and that somebody would "get left" if they did not practise the "Pas redouble."

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BY THE SEA.

By Teresa Herrick.

I watch the mighty breakers rear, and dash Against the shore, I hear the sad complaining of the sea; Forevermore There rises in my soul a ceaseless song, A lonely wail; A yearning for the golden days to come, A craving to be deluged in that Sea Whose waves are loves Unutterable.

And now I see the gray mist creeping down Upon the sea. The bright blue waves are hidden from my sight; Ah me, ah me, Thou too, O Sea of God's Immensity From me art screened; But till the mists be lifted up I wait, Wait patiently and long, then will I plunge Beneath Thy waves O wondrous Sea!

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THE RESPONSE OF MARBLEHEAD IN 1861.

By Samuel Roads, Jr.

AUTHOR OF "HISTORY AND TRADITIONS OF MARBLEHEAD."

The news of the fall of Fort Sumter aroused the entire North to action. The great civil war which had so long been threatened could no longer be averted, and in every town and hamlet, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the people rose as one man to defend the integrity of the Union.

On the 15th of April, President Lincoln issued his first proclamation calling for seventy-five thousand militia for a three months' service. The news was received in Marblehead, Mass., late in the afternoon of that day, and the three militia companies were at once notified by their respective commanders to be in readiness to take the early morning train for Boston. These companies were: The Marblehead Sutton Light Infantry, Company C, Eighth Regiment, commanded by Capt. Knott V. Martin; The Lafayette Guards, Company B, Eighth Regiment, commanded by Capt. Richard Phillips; and the Glover Light Guards, Company H, Eighth Regiment, commanded by Capt. Francis Boardman.

The morning of Tuesday, the 16th of April, broke cold and stormy. Notwithstanding the rain and sleet which rendered the cold weather uncomfortable in the extreme, the streets of Marblehead were filled with an excited throng of people. Wives and mothers and fathers and children were represented there in the dense crowd, all anxious to speak a farewell word to the soldiers on their departure. The first companies to leave town were those commanded by Captains Martin and Boardman, which marched to the depot and took the half-past seven o'clock train for Boston. Captain Phillips' company took the train which left Marblehead about an hour and a half later.

As the trains slowly left the depot, the cheers of the assembled multitude were re-echoed by the soldiers in the cars. "God bless you!" "Good-by!" resounded on all sides; and it was not until the last car had disappeared in the distance, that the great crowd began to disperse.

Of the arrival of the Marblehead companies in Boston there is little need for me to write. The testimony of such eminent witnesses as Adjutant-general Schouler and General E.W. Hinks cannot be disputed, and we quote it verbatim.

"There has been some controversy in military circles," wrote General Schouler, "as to which company can claim the honor of first reaching Boston. I can answer, that the first were the three companies of the Eighth Regiment belonging to Marblehead, commanded by Captains Martin, Phillips and Boardman. I had been at the State House all night; and early in the morning, rode to the arsenal at Cambridge, to ascertain whether the orders from headquarters to send in arms, ammunition, overcoats and equipments had been properly attended to. Messengers had also been stationed at the different depots, with orders for the companies, on their arrival, to proceed at once to Faneuil Hall, as a northeasterly storm of sleet and rain had set in during the night, and had not abated in the morning. On my return from Cambridge, I stopped at the Eastern Railroad depot. A large crowd of men and women, notwithstanding the storm, had gathered there, expecting the arrival of troops. Shortly after eight o'clock, the train arrived with the Marblehead companies. They were received with deafening shouts from the excited throng. The companies immediately formed in line, and marched by the flank directly to Faneuil Hall, the fifes and drums playing "Yankee Doodle," the people following and shouting like madmen, and the rain and sleet falling piteously, as if to abate the ardor of the popular welcome. And thus it was that the Marblehead men entered Faneuil Hall on the morning of the 16th of April."

The testimony of General Hinks, who at the breaking out of the war was Lieutenant-colonel of the Eighth Regiment, is interesting as an important historical statement, and is as follows:

"On Monday, April 15, 1861, at quarter-past two o'clock, in reply to an offer of my services made in the morning of that day, I received from Governor Andrew a verbal command to summon the companies of the Eighth Regiment, by his authority, to rendezvous at Faneuil Hall at the earliest possible hour. Leaving Boston on the half-past two o'clock train, I proceeded to Lynn, and personally notified the commanding officers of the two companies in that city, and from thence telegraphed to Captain Bartlett at Newburyport, and Captain Centre of Gloucester, and then drove to Beverly and summoned the company there; and from thence hastened to Marblehead, where I personally notified the commanding officers of the three Marblehead companies. I found Captain Martin in his slaughter-house, with the carcass of a hog, just killed, and in readiness for the "scald." On communicating to the captain my orders, I advised him to immediately cause the bells of the town to be rung, and to get all the recruits he could. Taking his coat from a peg, he seemed for a moment to hesitate about leaving his business unfinished, and then turned to me, and with words of emphatic indifference in regard to it, put the garment on, with his arms yet stained with blood and his shirt-sleeves but half rolled down, and with me left the premises to rally his company.

"On Tuesday, April 16, I was directed to remain on duty at Faneuil Hall, and during the forenoon the following named companies arrived there and reported for duty, to wit;—

"1. Companies C, Eighth Regiment, forty muskets, Capt. Knott V. Martin, and H, Eighth Regiment, Capt. Francis Boardman, both of Marblehead, which place they left at half-past seven o'clock A.M. and arrived in Boston at about nine o'clock.

"2. Company D, Fourth Regiment, thirty-two muskets, Sergt. H.F. Wales, left home about nine o'clock, and arrived at about ten A.M.

"3. Company B, Eighth Regiment, forty muskets, Capt. Richard Phillips, of Marblehead, left home at nine o'clock, and arrived in Faneuil Hall about eleven A.M.

"The above is substantially a true record, as will appear by reference to the files of the "Journal" of that date, and is prompted only by a desire to do justice to Captain Martin and the patriotic men of Marblehead, who, on the outbreak of the Rebellion, were the first to leave home, the first to arrive in Boston, and subsequently, under my command, the first to leave the yard of the Naval Academy at Annapolis, to repair and relay the track in the march through Maryland to relieve the beleaguered capitol of the Nation."

On the morning after the departure of the companies, thirty more men left Marblehead to join them. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed throughout the town, and men everywhere were ready and anxious to enlist. Of the patriotic spirit of the people, no better evidence can be given than that contained in the reply of Governor Andrew to a gentleman who asked him if any more men would be needed. "For heaven's sake," replied the governor, "don't send any more men from Marblehead, for it is imposing on your goodness to take so many as have already come!"

The citizens were not less prompt to act than those who had rallied for the defence of the nation. On the 20th of April, a town meeting was held to provide for the families of the soldiers, and the old town hall was crowded to repletion. Mr. Adoniram C. Orne was chosen moderator. The venerable town clerk, Capt. Glover Broughton, a veteran of the War of 1812, was there beside the moderator, his hands tremulous with emotion, awaiting the action of his fellow-citizens. "It was voted that the town treasurer be authorized to hire the sum of five thousand dollars, to be distributed for the relief of the families of those who have gone or are going to fight the battles of their country." A committee of five persons was chosen to repair to the assessors' room and report the names of ten persons to act as distributors of the fund. The town was divided into districts, and the following gentlemen were chosen as a distributing committee, namely: Messrs, Thomas Main, John J. Lyon, Frederick Robinson, William Courtis, William Litchman, Stephen Hathaway, Jr., James J.H. Gregory, John C. Hamson, Jr., Richard Tutt, Joshua O. Bowden.

No resolutions were adopted. The times called for action, and "Factis non verbis." was the motto of the hour. But human nature must find some vent for enthusiasm, and we are informed in the records, by the faithful clerk, that "three cheers were then given." They probably shook the building for genuine Marble-headers are blessed with strong lungs, and can never cheer by rule.

The patriotism of the ladies of Marblehead at this time and throughout the entire period of the war cannot be overestimated. With loving hearts and willing hands, they contributed their time, their labor, and their money for the benefit of those who had gone forth to battle. The work of some was of a public nature, and the deeds of these are recorded; but the only record of hundreds who worked quietly in their own homes was written on the grateful hearts of the soldiers for whom they labored.

On the 22d of April a meeting of the ladies was held at the town hall, and a Soldiers' Aid Society was organized. The object was to perform such work as was necessary for the comfort of the soldiers, and to furnish articles of clothing, medicines, and delicacies for use in the hospitals. Mrs. Maria L. Williams was elected president. That lady subsequently resigned, and Mrs. Margaret Newhall became president, and Mrs. Mary M. Oliver, secretary.

On the following day, eighteen ladies met at the Sewall Grammar School-house, on Spring Street, and organized a committee to solicit money for the benefit of the soldiers. The following are the names of the ladies who composed this committee:—Miss Mary E. Graves, President; Miss Mary A. Alley, Secretary; Miss Mary L. Pitman, Treasurer; Mrs. Mary Glover, Mrs. Hannah Hidden, Miss Harriet Newhall, Miss Tabitha Trefry, Mrs. Hannah J. Hathaway, Mrs. John F. Harris, Miss Amy K. Prentiss, Miss Sarah E. Sparhawk, Miss Hannah J. Woodfin, Miss Lizzie Cross, Miss Mary A. Cross, Mrs. Hannah Doak, Miss Alicia H. Gilley, Miss Carrie Paine, Miss Mary E. Homan.

In less than one week from the time of their organization the ladies of this committee had collected the sum of $508.17. The teachers of the public schools generously contributed six per cent of their salaries for the year in aid of the object; and there was a disposition manifested by the people generally, to give something, however small the amount.

Stirring reports were now received from the companies at the seat of war. The blockading of the railroad to Baltimore by the Secessionists; the seizure of the steamer Maryland; and the saving of the old frigate Constitution, in which their fathers fought so valiantly, caused the hearts of the people to swell with pride, as they related the story one to another. The men of Captain Boardman's company were the first to board "Old Ironsides," and a delegation of them helped to man her on the voyage to New York. The sufferings of their soldier boys, who were obliged to eat pilot bread baked in the year "1848," brought tears to the eyes of many an anxious mother. But the tears were momentary only, and the sufferings of the boys were forgotten in the joy that Marblehead soldiers had been permitted to lead the advance on the memorable march to Annapolis Junction and to relay the track which had been torn up to prevent the passage of the troops. The arrival of the troops in Washington; the new uniforms furnished in place of those worn out in eight days; and the quartering of soldiers in the United States Capitol Building, was all related in the letters that came home.

Some of these letters were so full of patriotic sentiment that they should be preserved to testify of the spirit of the men of Marblehead who participated in the struggle for national life. I have space only for one of these, which is quoted in full because it is so characteristic of the heroic old veteran who wrote it.

"HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON CITY, April 27, 1861.

"Dear Sir: We arrived in Washington yesterday after a great deal of hardship and privation, living for thirty-six hours at a time on one small loaf to a man; water a great part of the time very scarce, and not of a very good quality. But the men bore it almost without a murmur. The Eighth Regiment had the honor of taking the noble old frigate Constitution out of the dock at Annapolis, and placing her out of reach of the Secessionists. The Eighth came from Annapolis to Washington, in company with the New York Seventh,—God bless them. They shared with us their last morsel; and the two regiments together have laid railroad tracks, built bridges, run steam-engines, and contracted an eternal friendship, which has been cemented by deeds of daring for each other. We have encamped in corn-fields, on railroad embankments, with one eye open while sleeping; and have opened R.R. communication between Annapolis and Washington, for all troops which may hereafter want to pass that way.

"Give my love to all friends of the Stars and Stripes, and my eternal hatred to its enemies.

"Yours Respectfully,

"KNOTT V. MARTIN. To WM. B. BROWN, Esq."

During the latter part of April, active measures were taken to recruit another company to join those already in the field. In a few davs the "Mugford Guards," a full company of fifty-seven men, was organized, and Captain Benjamin Day was commissioned as commander. Every effort was made to get the new company in readiness for departure as soon as possible. The men were without uniforms, and the school teachers at once voted to furnish the materials for making them, at their own expense. Mr. John Marr, the local tailor, offered his services as cutter, and they were gratefully accepted. On Sunday, May 5, the ladies of the Soldiers Aid Society, with a large number of others, assembled at Academy Hall, and industriously worked throughout the entire day and evening to make up the uniforms.

On the following day, the town voted to appropriate the sum of $400 to furnish the company with comfortable and necessary clothing.

On the 7th of June another meeting was held, and the town voted to borrow a sum not exceeding ten thousand dollars, to be applied by the selectmen in aid of the families of volunteers.

On the morning of Monday, June 24, the new company took its departure for the "seat of war." The soldiers were escorted to the entrance of the town by the Mugford Fire Association and a large concourse of citizens. Almost the entire community assembled in the streets to say "farewell," and to bid them "God speed." On arriving at the locality known as the "Work-house Rocks," the procession halted, and the soldiers were addressed by William B. Brown, Esq., in behalf of the citizens.

The soldiers embarked for Boston in wagons which were in waiting, and departed amid the deafening cheers of the citizens.

On Thursday, August 1, the three Marblehead companies arrived home. Arrangements had been made to give them an enthusiastic welcome. At three o'clock in the afternoon a procession was formed, consisting of the Marblehead Band, the "Home Guards," the boards of town officers, the entire fire department, and the scholars of the public schools. An interesting feature of the procession was thirteen young ladies, representing the original States, wearing white dresses, and red, white, and blue veils. The arrival of the train bringing the soldiers was announced by the ringing of bells, the firing of guns, and the joyful acclamations of the people. They were received at the depot at about six o'clock P.M., and escorted to the "Town House" where an address of welcome was delivered by Jonathan H. Orne, Esq., a member of the board of selectmen.

On the afternoon of the following day, the veterans were given a grand reception. The procession was again formed, and they were escorted about town to Fort Sewall, where a dinner was served.

Shortly after the return of the companies, Capt. Knott V. Martin resigned as commander of the Sutton Light Infantry, and recruited a company for the Twenty-third Regiment. More than half the members of this company were enlisted in Marblehead. They left for the seat of war during the month of November.

It does not fall within the province of this article to trace the fortunes of the sons of Marblehead through the long and cruel war. Their experience, however, was not unlike that of thousands who suffered and died for the nation. With patient endurance and the fortitude of martyrs, they drank to the dregs the bitter cup of war. Through the long and fatiguing marches, in the many hard fought battles, and in the hopeless agony of life in the prison-pens, they were manly and true. It is unnecessary to say more. By the self-sacrificing devotion of heroes like these, the nation was saved.

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EQUINOCTIAL.

By Sidney Maxwell.

The autumn day is almost spent. And yet No length' ning shadows mark the sun's decline, For all is shadowed by the cold, gray mist Which long has driven with the fitful wind, And still it is not gone. How chill the air! It seems but yesterday that summer's breath, Sultry and dry, distressed the thirsty fields— And now the skies, repentant of their fault, Will more than make amends. It rains again, Beating a doleful measure on the pane, Sobbing in sad, wild cadence through the street While ever 'mid the rising, falling strains The eaves drop notes as those of muffled drum, Alone in rhythm, save, perchance, the beat Of some tired horse's hoofs, as, homeward bound, He treads the flooded pavement stones. And now The sun, weary of contest for the day, Forsakes the scene and sinks away to rest, Leaving the world to darkness and to rain.

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EDITOR'S TABLE.

The Democrats of Massachusetts are perplexed in regard to the choice of a candidate for gubernatorial honors. In their dilemma they seem indisposed to heed the counsel of the venerable Dutchman who, on a certain critical occasion, asserted that it was not wise to "swap horses while crossing a stream."

It so happens that in this present year the Democratic party throughout the country is crossing a stream, a deep and muddy one which divides its former prestige from its future hopes and prospects. The wise and foolish members of the party are at loggerheads. Both have taken into their confidence an anomalous contingent which is neither in sympathy, nor even in alliance with them as regards principles. The Mugwumps, so called, whose only recommendation in politics is, that they have a well-filled purse and know how to use it to bolster up what they are pleased to designate as their "independence," after having bitterly opposed the Democratic party, in season and out of season, now join hands with their deluded brethren for a grand all hands round. By their help a President of the United States has been elected, by their dictation his policy has been mapped out, and by their threatening attitude the entire administration is controlled. A similar condition of affairs was never before known in the history of American politics.

Now, the Independent Republican will always be a Republican in principles. The same honest motives which impelled him to oppose the chosen candidates of a majority of the Republican party, at the last national canvass, will again and always prompt him to oppose a Simon-pure Democrat of the Democrats. So long as he can have his own way, he will deny an equal right to his political neighbor. One thing is very evident, and that is, in Massachusetts the Independents are bound to rule so long as the Democratic party will continue to let them; and that the administration encourages this state of affairs is alike evident to all careful observers. It would be easy to make some very interesting disclosures on this theme, and it is not improbable that they will be made very shortly.

But we began by asserting that the party in the old Bay State is in a quandary. It has reached a point when one of two alternatives must be chosen,—either to force an issue with its allies, as well as with its Republican opponents, by nominating a downright, old-fashioned Democrat for the governorship; or, acquiescing with the wishes of its allies, to attempt a quasi victory over its opponents. In the former case defeat would be honorable, though defeat is by no means a foregone conclusion; in the latter case a victory is probable which would be worse than a defeat for the Democrats. We may not presume to give any advice in this matter; and yet it would seem that some well-intentioned and honest advice is needed. If there is to-day a true-blue, a frank and out-spoken Democratic newspaper in the city of Boston, we do not know its name. Our esteemed contemporaries of so-called Democratic persuasion, in this cultured city, are either bridled by the administration or are timid in expressing their convictions. Why has it never occurred to any one of them to urge the selection of a candidate that has not allied himself with the new gods in Israel,—a stanch, dyed-in-the-wool, old-fashioned Jackson Democrat, such for example as the HONORABLE CHARLES LEVI WOODBURY? He has always been an ornament to his party, wise and prudent in his counsels, broad in his scholarship and still broader in his views, untrammelled in his profession of honest principles, and true to the faith. He was never known to wander after strange gods: he has never paraded before the eyes of the public, clad in a Joseph's coat of many colors; he has never sought the emolument or the honor of public office, and yet, if we are not greatly mistaken, his scrupulous fidelity to party principles, his unswerving integrity, and the confidence which men of all parties repose in him, have merited for him as high an honor as lies within the gift of the people. There are but few such men in Massachusetts, and their worth is only comprehended when they are compared with that of the aristocratic dudes whom President Cleveland has thus far smiled upon in this state.

The Massachusetts Democrats have this year a grand opportunity to assert their independence, and to set a wholesome example to the party in other states. They can do no safer, wiser, or more honorable thing than to nominate Judge Woodbury, a Democrat of Democrats, as their standard bearer.

The Boston Evening Record is a sample of daily journalism that is getting to be rather common nowadays. Like many other of its contemporaries, it seems to be impressed with the idea that the province of a newspaper is to coin facts rather than to chronicle them; and that editorial ability consists in getting away from the truth as far as possible.

In a recent issue, it comments on General Butler's article in the North American Review, and more particularly upon the reason why the General did not desire the Republican nomination for the Vice Presidency in 1864, expressed by him as follows:—

Being made to sit as presiding officer over the senate, to listen for four years to debates more or less stupid, in which I can take no part or say a word, nor even be allowed a vote upon any subject which concerns the welfare of the country, except when my enemies might think my vote would injure me in the estimation of the people, and therefore, by some parliamentary trick, make a tie on such question, so I should be compelled to vote; and then, at the end of four years (as nowadays no Vice President is ever elected President), and because of the dignity of the position I had held, not to be permitted to go on with my profession, and therefore with nothing left for me to do save to ornament my lot in the cemetery tastefully, and get into it gracefully and respectably, as a Vice President should do.

The Record asserts that, "this is about as near the truth as Butler ever gets," and then goes on to make some additional statements which, to say the least, are exceedingly interesting, and proofs of which the Editor's Table respectfully requests.

The Record says; "It is true that his (Butler's) name was proposed for the nomination for Vice President in 1864."

Upon whose authority does this assertion rest, and by whom was General Butler's name thus proposed?

The Record says:—"It is also true that he (Butler) heard of it, and objected to the plan not for the reasons he now gives, but because he 'didn't want to run on the ticket with Abe Lincoln.'"

Intensely interesting this, an important fact it would seem for the future historian. But,—will the Record please quote its authority?

The Record says:—"That this was the ground for his (Butler's) refusal to take the nomination, in case it should be offered to him, was well known to those who were informed of the exact state of affairs at the time."

The historian is still incredulous. All this "was well known to those who were informed," etc.,—undoubtedly, but who were these persons? Will the Record cite the name of one living man thus informed? Did General George A. Gordon know anything about it: and if not, why not?

The Record says:—"Butler, in the last days of the war, uttered an insult to the President who was shortly to be made a martyr."

Well, this is really a serious charge, and the public certainly will be interested in knowing what the "insult" was. Will the Record kindly explain? For the present, the subject may rest here. In the name of truth and justice, however, the Editor's Table humbly requests that the Evening Record will enlighten its contemporaries.

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The Republican newspapers have all been pleased to remark that President Cleveland has done a very decent thing by refusing to appoint as post-master at Mr. Blaine's home, in Augusta, the Democratic editor, who "was virulently active in publishing particularly unclean falsehoods concerning the Republican candidate last fall." Mr. Blaine had a perfect right to object, and he exercised the right, to the appointment of Morton; and likewise, the President had a perfect right not to heed the objection,—a right, however, which he did not exercise. The action of the President therefore commends itself to the right-thinking men of all parties.

So far as the Editor's Table can remember, this is the first opportunity that the Republican newspapers have improved to say anything good of President Cleveland, who, it is not forgotten, was a target for as virulent and uncalled for abuse as was ever heaped upon any known American citizen. Magnanimity is always in order even in politics.

* * * * *

Civil Service Reform seems to-day to be the mare of the Mugwumps and the nightmare of everybody else. The eloquence or, if you please, the waste of words which the minority employ in advocating its deceptive principles, is only to be contrasted with the almost ludicrous indifference with which both Republican and Democratic majorities regard it. Thoughtful people are, at this time, more concerned with the prospective treatment of the tariff problem.

Now, it is neither our purpose nor desire to add to the literature of discussion, on this important theme; but one thought which occurs to us may here be submitted in the form of a question. People who talk much on tariff topics are supposed to be interested in the same, and to have some reason, good, bad, or indifferent, for advancing their diverse arguments.

To all such, the inquiry may be addressed:—Are you sure that you believe in a "protective" tariff because you think it is a public benefit, or because you think it is a private benefit?

And again:—Does "protective" tariff protect? If it does,—whom?

Last autumn, the cry arose throughout the land that free trade meant the destruction of home labor, and the "introduction of the pauper labor of Europe," or at least a competition at home with the pauper labor of Europe. Well, some very dismal pictures have been drawn of the condition of the pauper labor of Europe, and when thinking of them, it must be confessed that one does not like to run any risks.

But suppose that we widen the thought a little. At this very moment, the iron monopoly of this country is raising a fund to head off a tariff revision, or to bring about an increased duty. What can be said of the Iron Monopoly? This, as one fact; that in Pennsylvania, it employs miners at fourteen dollars a month, charges them five dollars a month each for a tenement in which to live, and charges them exorbitant prices for the food and provisions which, in spite of a law prohibiting the system, must be purchased at the Monopoly's stores. At the end of the month, many of these miners have not only consumed every dollar of their wages but are actually in debt. It is stated, further, as an incontestable fact that, "a miner who objects to the amount of work or wages given to him gets no more of either, for he is at once dropped from the rolls, and his name is sent to the neighboring mines as that of a man unlit for employment." These people subsist—miraculously—on scanty and unwholesome food, and frequently are subjected to the greatest hardships.

We assert that this is no fanciful picture. It is the absolute truth, with the worst untold. Monopoly is fond of calling these pitiable men "Molly Maguires,"—"a dangerous class that must be carefully watched!" These men are protected, and their industry and their entire living afford a charming picture of the results of the "protective" system, so far as the Iron Monopoly is concerned. With such facts as these to ponder over, and with the additional knowledge that there is not a single person today employed in a cotton or woolen mill in the United States who is not taxed in the name of protection, to enrich the corporation for whom he labors, it seems almost inexplicable that honest men should neglect one of the greatest and, as God knows, one of the most threatening problems of this age and country, and waste words and precious moments over that most arrant humbug—Civil Service Reform. The People are more important than the Government: for to-day the Government is the politicians.

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HISTORICAL RECORD.

September 10.—The seventy-second anniversary of our first great Naval victory was celebrated at Newport, R.I. The most important incident was the unveiling of the statue erected to the honor of its hero. Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry. The order of exercises included a brilliant oration by the Hon. William P. Sheffield, chairman of the Perry statue committee, this oration by courtesy of its author being printed in full in this number of the Bay State Monthly; other addresses at the unveiling were made by Governor George Peabody Wetmore and Mayor Robert S. Franklin. At the banquet among the speakers were the Governor, Hon. George Bancroft, the historian, Mayor Franklin, Judge Blatchford, Chief Justice Durfee, Admiral Rodgers, and Admiral Almy. The occasion was an exceedingly notable one.

September 12.—The two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the incorporation of the town of Concord, Mass., was celebrated with appropriate military and civic exercises. There was first, a procession, reviewed by the Governor and invited guests. At the town hall an oration was delivered by Senator George F. Hoar, and other interesting literary exercises took place, at the conclusion of which the line was reformed and the march was taken up to the Hall where the dinner was served. Judge John S. Keyes presided, and the principal after dinner speeches were made by William M. Evarts, George William Curtis, George F. Hoar, E. Rockwood Hoar, James Russell Lowell, and others.

September 15.—The town of Hingham, Mass., celebrated the quarter millenial of its incorporation as a town. Business was generally suspended, and all the prominent residences and public buildings were elaborately decorated. There was a procession at 11 A.M. to the "old meeting house." The order of exercises at this place included an oration by Hon. Solomon Lincoln. A banquet was spread in Agricultural Hail, attended by ex-governor Long and many other notables. The bells on all the churches were rung at sunset and as darkness settled over the town, bonfires were lighted upon Baker's, Otis, Planter's, Turkey, Liberty Pole and Prospect Hills. The Hingham band gave an open air concert, and in the evening the citizens and invited guests held a social reunion at the hall.

September 16—The annual Salisbury beach gathering opened and continued through the 17th. About five thousand persons attended. The exercises consisted of band concerts, base ball, illuminations, etc.

September 16.—The great race in New York harbor between the Yankee yacht "Puritan" and the English yacht "Genesta,"—the second in the contest was won by the former, thus deciding that the America's cup shall remain in America. The sailing tune was: Puritan, 5.03. 14: Genesta, 5.04. 52.

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OBITUARY.

September 1.—In Cohasset, Mass., Charles Faulkner of the Boston and New York firm of Faulkner, Page & Co.

September 6.—In New Bedford, Mass., William A. Wall, a well known artist.

September 8.—In Hanover, N.H., Edward A. Rollins of Philadelphia, ex-commissioner of internal revenue.

September 8.—In Haverhill, Mass., Rev. Raymond H. Seeley, D.D. a prominent Congregational clergyman.

September 12.—Jonathan Cartland of Lee, Mass, died, aged seventy-six. He was one of the leading old guard of abolitionists, an uncompromising prohibitory advocate, and a bosom friend and co-worker of Wendell Phillips. He held many important town and county offices. He was a warm friend of the fleeing negroes from the South to Canada, his home being the refuge for many, and often piloting them from there by night to the Canadian border.

September 14.—The death of Hon. Oliver Warner occurred at Lynn, Mass. He was the son of Oliver Warner of Northampton, where he was born on April 17, 1818. He was graduated at Williams College in 1842, and subsequently at Gilmanton Theological Seminary. He officiated as a Congregational clergyman at Chesterfield from 1844 to 1846. In 1552 and 1853 he was a tutor at Williston Seminary, Easthampton. In 1854 and 1855 he served in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and in 1856 and 1857 in the Senate. He occupied the position of secretary of state for eighteen years, retiring in 1876. His majority in 1872 was greater than any other on the Republican ticket. In 1875 considerable opposition was made to his election, the effect of which was to lose him the Republican nomination and the office. From 1876 to 1879 he filled the position of librarian of the State Library. In September, 1882, he married Miss Newhall of Lynn, and departed on a six months' tour in Europe.

September 16.—Rev. Benjamin F. Tefft, D.D., LL.D., a widely known Methodist divine, died, aged seventy two years, from a shock of paralysis received on Friday. He was one of the ablest pulpit orators in the denomination, has been a president of the Genesee College, editor of the Methodist Book concern and author of several works. He was a member of the New York Geographical and Statistical Society, the Society of Arts of London, etc. He was United States consul to Stockholm in 1862, and acting minister to Sweden, and commissioner of emigration from Europe to the state of Maine in 1864. He has been in poor health the past two years. Dr. Tefft was the author of "Evolution and Christianity," published last Spring, a veritable encyclopaedia of Evolution-lore.

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AMONG THE BOOKS.

A very notable contribution to the annals of our times is the publication of the Writings and Speeches of Samuel L. Tilden[2] This contribution is comprised in two volumes, and is so complete in itself as to ensure a welcome from not only a large body of political sympathizers and admirers but also from all students of American political history. Mr. Tilden has the honor of being unquestionably the greatest Democratic leader of recent years, and, in more ways than one, of being a unique figure among the statesmen whom his country has produced.

He was born in New Lebanon, N.Y. 1814, and before he reached his majority he began to discuss political questions in print and on the rostrum. In these early, as well as in later years, he was in his instincts a conservative; as time moved on, he grew more and more fond of the democracy of Jefferson and of Jackson, and their democracy, it may be said, has had, during the past quarter of a century, no more devoted or worthier expounder and representative than Mr. Tilden. No question of paramount interest has arisen that has not, from the Democratic standpoint, received his attention. When the nullifiers assaulted the Union he stood by it; whenever anybody has undertaken to advocate the American "protection" system, he has invariably denounced it as unconstitutional, in this respect differing from another leading Democrat, General Butler. Mr. Tilden also stood by the removal of the deposits from the United States Banks, advocated the establishment of the Sub Treasury, and was the first to contend for free banking. He asserted the supervision of legislatures over charters of their own creation. He protested against the nationalization of slavery in 1848.

These few specifications of a general character, to say nothing of those of special interest, indicate something of the wealth of thought and expression contained within the covers of these volumes. Of the minor themes, one was exceedingly important in its day, and important also as a lesson for future municipalities,—namely, the Tweed charter for New York city and the story of the destruction of the Tweed ring. It is herein presented with the fullest details.

Mr. Bigelow, the editor of the collection, has happily taken the time for publication when Mr. Tilden has retired from active political service; and thus the volumes may now be read with a less prejudiced mind than in a former period of years.

It is impossible not to derive information and suggestions from a careful perusal of these discussions, and inspiration from the dignity with which they are conducted; at the same time the reader is somehow impressed in the perusal that Mr. Tilden is neither a great statesman per se, nor always a safe one to follow. At this hour, it would be difficult to estimate the influence which he has exerted upon the politics of his time. The accident of a political defeat, rather than any extraordinary ability of his own, won for him the remarkable and enthusiastic loyalty of his party, and perhaps also a political immortality. As is still remembered, he bore his defeat manfully and with a dignified grace unexampled in history, when all the circumstances are considered, and this will be to his everlasting honor. During his active participation in politics, Mr. Tilden was a partisan, in the best sense of that word, as every man must be who lives and thinks under our system of government. He cherished principles directly opposed to those of a host of his contemporaries, and this, too, was a prerogative of his citizenship. Nevertheless, the integrity of his character was never questioned, his motives were always honorable, his opinions were generally carefully conceded and candidly asserted, his acts never savored of trickery. We wish as much could be said of many who have professed admiration of the man, as well as of many who have not scrupled to malign him to a merciless degree.

[Footnote 2: The Writings and Speeches of Samuel J. Tilden. Edited by John Bigelow In two volumes. New York: Harper & Brothers. Price $6.00.]

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We have been particularly pleased with the four volumes which are comprised in the "Garnet Series."[3]—They are, to speak first of their mechanical attractions, handsomely made, as regards paper, press-work and binding, and at once tempt the reader to look within. The object of their publication is to furnish in neat but low priced books choice reading to so called Chautauqua circles; and thus far there is a promise of brilliant success.

The character of the contents of these volumes demands neither explanation nor criticism at this time. Readings from Ruskin is edited with a suitable introduction, by Prof. H.A. Beers of Yale College, and the selections are made mostly from the great writer's chapters pertaining to Italy. The Readings from Macaulay also pertains to Italy, including the remarkable essays on Dante, Petrarch and Machiavelli, and the Lays of Ancient Rome, and is pleasantly "introduced" by Donald G. Mitchell. An exceedingly timely volume is that entitled Art and the Formation of Taste, by Lucy Crane, with illustrations drawn by Thomas and Walter Crane. It is one of the most inspiring and practical books on the subject that have been written in our generation. Charles C. Black's Michael Angelo contains within 275 pages the principal facts of the great sculptor's life and labors, faithfully and appreciatively recounted. It is, so far as it goes, declared to be a very valuable work. We cannot too highly commend these publications. Every one of them is an incentive to further reading and reflection.

[Footnote 3: THE GARNET SERIES;—Readings from Ruskin—Readings from Macauley—Art and the Formation of Taste—Life and Works of Michel Angelo. 5 vols. Boston; The Chautauqua Press.]

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Dr. George H. Moore is the superintendent of the Lenox Library and a man who is not afraid to dip into old parchments and musty records. We wish that there were more of his kind. Students of our local annals are indebted to him for the preparation and publication of two important and interesting brochures, which have recently appeared. His Notes on the History of the old State House,[4] formerly known as "The Town House in Boston," "The Court House in Boston," "The Province Court House," "The State House," and "The City Hall" was first read before the Bostonian Society, last May, and was listened to with the closest attention. The second brochure, embracing 120 pages, bears the title: Final notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts[5] and is a vindication of the laws and liberties concerning attainders with corruptions of Blood, Escheats, forfeitures for crime and pardon of offenders, etc. This is the fifth pamphlet which Dr. Moore has issued on the subject of Witchcraft in Massachusetts, and it concludes the series. We hope, at a future time, to be able to refer to them again, for they shed much light on our colonial history, and to our historical literature constitute very valuable additions.

[Footnote 4: Notes on the History of the Old State House. By George H. Moore, LL. D. Boston: Cupples, Upham & Co. Paper. 50 cents.]

[Footnote 5: Final notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts. By same author. New York: Printed for the author. Sold in Boston, by Cupples, Upham & Co. Paper, $1.00.]

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Mr. Smith's recent work on The Science of Business[6] should be read, and its facts and arguments carefully weighed, by all men of business. It professes to be a study of the principles controlling the laws of exchange. Reasoning from analogies existing in the natural world, the author logically deduces his law that civilization moves along lines of least resistance, and contends that this law holds true throughout the phenomena of mind also. The law of the survival of the fittest is but another expression of the subject under discussion. "Do we not see civilization," asks the author, "advancing along those lines where the tractive forces are the greatest, where the least labor will produce the largest crops, and where the obstacles to complete living are the fewest? Do not people invest their money where it will safely bring the largest returns? Do we not buy in the cheapest, and sell in the dearest market? Does not the tide of immigration set from least favored nations to the most favored?" There is still one other law,—that motion is always rhythmical. These two principles or laws Mr. Smith applies to his theories regarding general business, the iron industry, the building of railroads, immigration, stocks, exchange, foreign trade, etc. Indeed his theories are based on these laws, and are worthy of consideration if not always of acceptance. We quote one reflection:—"If we admit that business motions are in the line of least resistance, and rhythmic, and that these rhythms show a tendency to become balanced, we may conclude that panics and periods of depression will always continue at intervals, with this qualification, the next period of depression will not be as severe as the present, and the next less severe, and so on, until, to all outward signs, they will at last cease."

By reason of a lack of space, we cannot say all that we had wished to say in regard to this work. It is, on the whole, a most ingenious argument, well conceived and brilliantly sustained. We are not sure that Mr. Smith has not explained satisfactorily some of the nuggets of mystery which have so long puzzled the brains of business men.

[Footnote 6: The Science of Business. By Roderick H. Smith, New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. Price $1.25.]

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PUBLISHER'S DEPARTMENT.

An early forthcoming issue of the Bay State Monthly will contain an elaborate article of great value upon the manufactures and various important industries of "A Model Industrial City," for which fine illustrations are being prepared.

Special invitation is extended to all Public and private Libraries, Historical, Intellectual and Literary Societies, as well as to every lover of New England, to join their efforts with ours to the end that the Bay State Monthly shall be a competent medium of preserving the great and rapidly increasing amount of history pertaining to New England, and no less a worthy representative of its literature and material progress.

We tender our thanks to the Holyoke Transcript for the very courteous aid rendered our management.

We desire to heartily thank the press of the entire country for the cordial and appreciative welcome extended to the Bay State Monthly since it has been published under its new management. On an advertising page in this number are to be found a few comments, selected from hundreds of similar notices given by representative newspapers in nearly every state in the Union.

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THE END