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Robin Tremain - A Story of the Marian Persecution
by Emily Sarah Holt
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Ah! it was only one. Thekla prepared her mother, in the gentle way she knew, and then running below, was clasped in her father's arms. She took him up-stairs, and no more was seen of any of them; for, anticipating that they would prefer to be alone, Isoult sent Esther above with a dish from the supper-table.

It was four years to a day since Mr Rose was taken. In his case, God had been very gracious to them. The four years were the same for Robin; but how should the end be? And—a thought at once joyous and yet terrible—the end could not be far-off now.

Isoult saw that Mr Rose had aged in those four years, when she had time to study his countenance. If such a thing were possible, she thought him even gentler and kinder than he used to be; yet even more grave and quiet. She asked him what he thought of Thekla, and was slightly comforted to hear him say that he found her better than he dared to hope.

"She hath suffered much, poor child!" said Isoult.

"Poor child!" he echoed. "It was not in her nature to do other."

"And what think you," she asked, "of the chances touching Robin?"

"Mrs Avery," said he, "there are no chances in God's government. And this is a matter wherein we cannot so much as guess what may have been His will. Yet if you would know what I think most likely in mere human reasoning, I confess I have little hope of his life."

Isoult's heart sank like lead: she felt now how much hope she had nursed, though she thought it so little. But her faith in Mr Rose's forecast was great. And Lady Ashley's words came back to her—"God knoweth best when His corn is ripe." Ah! how afraid she was that that sheaf was ripe, and had been carried into the garner! Yet could she tell God that He had judged ill, or that He should have left His fair sheaf to the spoiling, for her pleasure?

When John came home one evening, he told them that he had met with Mr Underhill, who held by the hand his little Guilford. And coming through Cornhill, at the shop-door of a bowyer were bows and quivers of shafts; and Guilford, pulling his father's hand, cried, "Father, Father, do buy me a bow and arrows!"—"Buy thee a bow and arrows, quotha!" answered Mr Underhill, "a shred and snip like thee!"

"What wouldst thou do an' thou hadst a bow and arrows, Guilford?" said John. "Shoot all the Papists," replied the child. "Thou bloodthirsty little ruffian!" cried Mr Underhill, yet laughing. "Nay," said John to him, "blame not the child: he doth but take mightily after a certain father of his, that I know." Whereat (said John) Mr Underhill laughed till the tears ran from his eyes.

Mr Rose preached his first sermon since coming home, in the pulpit of Bow Church, on the 8th of January. It was a glad day to the Gospellers. His text was, "When the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion, we were like them that dream." He spoke highly of the Queen, saying that "she had suffered for the Gospel, and should know how to be compatient [sympathising] with other that had suffered." Of himself he said little; but of Christ much.

And when he came out of the church, dozens and dozens of hands were held forth to welcome him, till the tears came into his eyes at such a greeting. One old Gospeller woman cried out, "Lord, now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace!"

"Nay, good Joan," answered Mr Rose. "The reason wherefore the Lord hath kept us alive is, that we have not yet done all our work. At least so I take it. 'Tis somewhat too early to be singing the harvest-home afore all the corn be gathered in. Let us hasten to finish the reaping, and then we may sing."

Then came Mr Underhill with great strides, and held out his hand. (John said aside to his wife, "I would Ned Underhill could learn, without any telling him, that a man's hand, and yet more a woman's, is not made of mill-stones. He hath given me some cruel gripes ere now: 'tis a painful form of love.")

"Welcome home the second time!" cried Mr Underhill, cheerily. "Mrs Rose, your servant. But I say, man! do you not know you are divorced by process of law?"

"Nay," answered Mr Rose, smiling; "I neither do nor will."

"What an ungovernable piece of merchandise are you!" said Mr Underhill, laughing. "But in good sooth, I have not talked with one of our ministers that holdeth not the same view."

"Men parted us," said Marguerite, her voice trembling a little; "but I think God never did. At any rate, He hath undone it now."

Mr Rose talked with the Averys about his future, and they entreated him to stay with them a little longer. It was expected that the Queen would present the deprived ministers to such benefices as would now be left vacant by the Papists' deprivations; and at least, they urged, it would be well to do nothing rashly. And though they said little to each other, all were waiting to see what would happen on the Coronation Day. This was fixed for the ensuing Sunday, the Queen having consulted Dr Dee, and heard from him that Sunday would be a fortunate day. All were now preparing for the Coronation. Isoult had cloths ready to hang out, and Kate and Frances were as busy as they could be, sewing green leaves upon white linen, to form the Queen's name—Elizabeth.

Frances said "it was well her Highness had so long a name, for the work should not be by the half so handsome were she called Jane or Anne." But Thekla's work was by far the most beautiful. She was skilled at making wax-flowers, and had wreathed a garland of white roses, which, set upon a green ground, was to encircle the name with which Kate and Frances were busied [green and white were the Queen's colours]. It was intended to be a magnificent piece of work; and the only grief was that the Queen would never see it, for she was going from the Tower.

Mr Underhill had ordered a new velvet coat, wherein (said his wife) he should be as fine as my Lord High Treasurer. Moreover, Dr Thorpe would needs have a new doublet.

"Why, dear child, my Sunday doublet hath a patch on it," said he; "and if the Queen's Highness' gracious eyes should chance to alight on me, thou wouldst not have them to light on a patch." [Dr Thorpe might have spared his concern; for Queen Elizabeth was much too near-sighted to detect the patch.]

"Maybe they should take little hurt," said John. "But, Doctor, if you have a new doublet, I must needs have a new coat; and then Isoult shall want a new gown; and we shall have Walter clamouring for a gaberdine, and Kate for an hood. Certes, but the Coronation shall be as chargeable unto her Highness' lieges as to herself!"

"Nay, Father, I lack no new hood," said Kate, laughing; "I want only to see the Queen's Grace, and I can do that as well in an old hood as a new."

"Ay, sweet heart," answered he; "but Dr Thorpe would have one thing more, to wit, that the Queen's Grace should see him."

Sir Henry and Lady Ashley came on the 12th to bid their friends farewell, for they were about to leave town early on the morning after the Coronation, and they expected to have little time at liberty. They advised the Averys not to take their stand in Bow Churchyard, as they intended to do, but to beg the loan of some friend's window. Mr Underhill had too many customers to help them; but Annis, whose lodging was in Saint Paul's Churchyard, was very glad to be of service.

In the afternoon they went down early to the waterside, to see the Queen come to the Tower from Westminster Palace. Her Majesty came about two o'clock, royally arrayed, in her state barge, and landed at the privy stairs. Little Frances was in the greatest glee, because she said she was most unfeignedly certain that the Queen looked on her. "And she walketh about the house," said John, "a fair foot the higher in her own account, that she hath been seen of the Queen's Majesty."

The next day came Mr Underhill, bringing news that the Queen had dubbed many Knights of the Bath, and had also created Edward Seymour, eldest son of the late Duke of Somerset, Earl of Hertford.

"But which Edward?" said John, in his quiet way.

"Which?" replied Mr Underhill. "Why, my Lord had but one son of his own name."

"No had?" said John. "I thought he had two."

"What mean you, Jack Avery?" said Mr Underhill.

"I know well what he meaneth," answered Mr Rose. "It was the worst blot on my Lord of Somerset's life. I trust he did repent thereof ere God called him."

"I was thinking," said John, in a low voice, "of one Katherine Folliott, an humble violet plucked from her mossy bed, and after, flung withering away to reach a peony."

"A black-thorn rather, if you would picture her complexion," suggested Dr Thorpe.

"What, the Duke's first wife?" answered Mr Underhill. "Why, man! the whole world hath forgot her!"

"So did himself," responded John.

"I see," said Mr Underhill. "You think, all, that my Lord did wickedly in divorcing of her, in order to wed the great heir of the Stanhopes. Well, it may be so: but, my word for it! he had leisure for repentance. I would not lightly have been my Lady Duchess her lackey, much less her lord."

"Well!" answered John, "I meant not to speak ill of the dead; surely not of one whom I do hope and believe that God hath pardoned and taken to Himself. I did but signify the very thing I did ask—to wit, which of the Edwards had been create Earl of Herts."

"The son of the Lady Anne Stanhope, of course!" said Mr Underhill.

"It might have been more just and righteous," pursued John, "had it been the son of Katherine Folliott. It may be that his last thought in this world, just ere the axe slid down, was of that woeful wrong he never could right more. Alas for men's hearts in this wicked world! and yet rather, alas for men's consciences! Well, God forgive us all!"

At two o'clock on the morning of the 14th, forth sallied all, and trudged amongst a moving crush of men and women to Annis' lodging, where she and Don Juan willingly gave them standing-room with themselves at their two windows. John lifted Frances on his shoulder, where, said he, she should have the best sight of all; and Walter was perched upon a high chair in the window. Kate stood below, in front of her father. Her Majesty sat in a rich chariot, covered with crimson velvet, splendidly attired, and a canopy was borne over her head by knights. Many pageants and gifts were offered to her; but one must not be left untold, which is that a copy of the English Bible was given to her at the Little Conduit in Cheapside, and she, receiving it let down into her chariot by a silken string, in both hands, kissed it, clasped it to her bosom, and thanked the City for it, "the which," said she, "I do esteem above all other, and will diligently read therein." Mr George Ferris and Mr Underhill were in the procession. [Strange to say, hardly any details are preserved of the procession and coronation of Elizabeth.] The Bishop of Carlisle [Dr Oglethorpe] had at last been prevailed upon to crown the Queen, but that so lately, that vestments were not ready for him, and they had to be borrowed of Bishop Bonner. He was the only Bishop to meet her Majesty at Westminster Abbey. The day following was the Coronation Day of Queen Elizabeth.

First thing in the morning, Barbara and Ursula hung out the garland and name that Kate and Thekla had made, which had been taken in over-night, after the Queen's procession. Then the party breakfasted; and, there being no service anywhere, Mr Rose read the Common Prayer to the assembled household, and gave them a short discourse on a passage from the Psalms,—"With joy and gladness shall they be brought, and shall enter into the King's Palace." He could hardly be said to preach, for he only sat on a chair in the midst of the group. He spoke of the Coronation Day; bidding them not to forget "that other fairer day of the more glorious Coronation, when Christ shall see of the travail of His soul, and shall be satisfied: when all His people shall be gathered together, a full and perfected Church, the Lamb's Bride: when He shall take unto Him His great power and reign."

The afternoon was spent quietly, no one looking in upon them; and when the dark began to fall, and the candles were lighted, Mr Rose read the Evening Prayers, and spoke again, this time on a text in the Revelation,—"They are without fault before the Throne of God." "Because," said he, "betwixt them and that Throne standeth Christ to present [represent] them before God; and while all faults be in them, in Him is no fault; and He covereth them with the fair white robe of His own righteousness, that God's justice cannot see them apart from it and Him that gave and wrought it."

When Evensong was over, John and Mr Rose went out for a half-hour's walk: and there were left in the chamber Dr Thorpe, Esther, Isoult and the children, and Thekla. Isoult called to Barbara for candles, for those they had were burning low in the socket; and while she was gone to fetch them, came a low gentle tapping at the door.

"May I open it, Mother?" said Kate; and leave being given, away she ran.

Nothing was audible at the door, but Kate, coming back, said—

"Mother, 'tis a gentleman that would have speech of Father. Will you speak with him?"

Isoult lifted her eyes, and saw behind Kate a gentleman, it seemed to her, of some thirty years or more, tall and spare, indeed, very thin and worn, hollow-cheeked and sunken-eyed, with long dark brown hair, a long beard lying low upon his breast, and a moustache curling round his upper lip. A stranger—at least, she knew neither his face nor his name.

"Sir," she said, "I am sorry mine husband is not within at this present; but if it should please you to wait a little season, I am assured—"

"That he shall not be long," she was about to say: but she never got any further. Her speech was cut in two by a sharp, sudden cry from behind her, that must have rung through every room in the house, and that broke from the lips of Thekla Rose.

"Robin! Robin! Robin!"

It seemed to Isoult for a moment as though her very heart stood still. Was it thus that God had given her its desire? Was this white, worn, bearded man verily "our Robin," who had passed away from them so very different? She seemed neither to know nor to see any thing, till she felt two arms clasped around her, and a voice, that no time nor prison could wholly alter, called her to herself, with—"Mother, I think you have not forgot me?" And then she awoke, and her heart was loosed, and her eyes with it. She bowed her head down upon Robin's breast, and wept passionately. Verily God had visited them! God had heard their cry, and had given them back their darling.

What followed was confusion. Thekla's cry brought her mother down in haste. Kate and Walter ran to the new-comer, hailing him as "Dear Brother Robin!" while little Frances hung back shyly, and had to be coaxed to come. Dr Thorpe said he would never have known him, had he not been helped; but Robin answered that "he was then the better off of the two, for he knew him the minute he stepped within." Esther said she thought she could have guessed at him with a little time and consideration.

"I am very glad to see you, Mrs Esther," said he, "for I did never look again to see any that were bound with me that night."

"Then thou lookest not," answered Isoult, "to see Mr Rose, which I trust shall be in some few minutes."

"I did not, in good sooth," said he, "only I dared not to ask."

While he spoke, they heard John's hand upon the latch.

Kate instantly rushed upon him, crying, "Father, come and see!"

"Come and see what, sweeting?" said he.

"Come and see!" she answered, pulling him after her into the room.

Mr Rose followed more quietly. John, come into the room, stood gazing at Robin as though he knew not what to make of it. Mr Rose passed him and came forward.

"Robin Tremayne!" said he. "I scarce dared to hope it."

So when all the glad greetings were over, they sat down, and drew their chairs round the fire. Barbara came in with the supper-board, and stared when Robin said, "Good even, Barbara."

"Sir!" queried she, looking at him in amazement. "Nay, sure! 'tis never Master Robin come back? Well, I be cruel glad!"

"And now, Robin," said John, "we want thine history, writ fair in a great book."

"Then, Father," he answered, and smiled, "you must tarry the writing. But I count I take you. Mine history is not very long, for there was but little change in it."

"But, Robin," said Isoult, "where hast thou been, dear lad? Austin Bernher hath searched all the prisons for thee, yea, over and over, for months past, and asked at many prisoners; yet could never bring us tidings."

"I trow, Mother," answered Robin, again smiling, "he searched every whither but the right. And few prisoners should have known anything of me, seeing I was kept alone."

"Did they count thee a prisoner of import?" said John, in an astonished tone.

"From what I heard them say," answered Robin, looking at Mr Rose, "I may thank you for that. Taking me with you, and standing close by you, they counted me a very pestilent heretic, and treated me as such."

"Ah! see what it is to fall into bad company!" said Mr Rose, smiling.

"Well, Robin," said Isoult, "thou shalt tell us all after supper, an' thou wilt. But now all is ready, an't please you."

So they gathered round the supper-table, and Mr Rose had only just said grace, when the latch was lifted, and Mr Underhill's cheery voice cried—

"May an heretic come in?"

"Come forward, Ned!" shouted John in return.

And forward he came.

"I am weary as a dog!" said he. "And I see yonder some eggs and butter ['Buttered eggs' survive north of the Trent] that doth make my mouth water; and a warden-pie [the warden was a very late pear, used chiefly for pies], if mine eyes bewray me not. Mrs Avery—" but here, his eye catching Robin, he broke off short. "Do you bid ghosts to supper? If those be not Robin Tremayne's eyes, they are the fairest copies ever mine saw!"

"Robin Tremayne's eyes are very glad to see you, Mr Underhill," said he, laughingly: and Mr Underhill wrung his hand till Robin's fingers must have tingled no little.

"Draw a chair and fall to, man," said John.

"Go to!" replied Mr Underhill; and did so with much apparent gusto.

"Well, so your work is over," said John. "How passed all? and where is the Queen?"

"In her bed, I hope," answered Mr Underhill, "unless she be somewhat more than other women. Marry, but she must be aweary to-night! 'Twas a splendrous matter, and worth seeing; but as cold as charity. And when 'tis January other where, 'tis not August in Westminster Abbey. We heretics fared uncommon well; George Ferris and I got a red deer pie betwixt us, and we made it look ashamed of himself ere we had done, I warrant you."

"Ned Underhill!" said John, "'tis a standing marvel to me that Austin Bernher and thou should have come out of Queen Mary's persecution alive."

"'Tis a greater marvel to me that thou shouldst," replied Mr Underhill, a second time attacking the buttered eggs. "Mrs Avery, I hope you have more eggs in the house?—With all thy prudence, and cautiousness, and wariness, sweet Jack, thou earnest not off a whit better than thy rash and foolish neighbour."

"Nay," answered John, "I came off thus much better, that I never yet saw the inside of Newgate."

"Tush! that was for a ballad I writ," said he. "But thou canst not say I fared the worse, saving that."

"I cannot," answered John, "and thereat I marvel no little."

"O wise and sagacious Jack! didst ever pluck a nettle?"

"I have done such a thing," replied he.

"Then thou wist that the gentler 'tis handled, the more it stingeth. Now for my moral: take Queen Mary as the nettle, and thou seest my way of dealing."

"Your pardon, friend Underhill!" said Mr Rose, "but I can in no wise allow that either of you were saved by your way of dealing. Let Him have all the glory unto whom it belongeth."

"Amen!" responded Mr Underhill. "Jack, may we sing the Te Deum in thine house to-night, an't like thy squeamishness?"

"With a very good will, Ned," answered John. When supper was over, Mr Underhill (who, for all his weariness, seemed in no haste to be at home) drew up his chair to the fire, in the midst of the group, and said—

"Now, Tremayne,—your first sermon!"

Thus bidden, Robin began his story.

"When Mr Rose and I were parted, I was sent first to the Marshalsea. Here I abode a full year, during the which I several times saw Austin Bernher. But afore I had been there a month, I was had up afore my Lord of London. So soon as he saw me, he put on a very big and ruffling air, and quoth he,—'Come hither, thou wicked heretic! what canst thou say for thyself?'—'Nothing, my Lord,' said I, 'save that though I be sinful, yet am I no heretic,'—'Ha! sayest thou so?' quoth my Lord. 'I will soon see whether thou be an heretic or no. Tell me, dost thou hold the very presence of Christ's body and blood to be in the sacrament of the altar?' To whom I—'My Lord, I do believe verily, as Christ hath said, that where two or three be gathered together in His name, there is He in the midst of them.'—'Ho, thou crafty varlet!' quoth he, 'wouldst turn the corner after that manner? By Saint Mary her kirtle, but it shall not serve thy turn. Tell me now, thou pestilent companion; when the priest layeth the bread and wine upon the altar, afore the consecration, what then is there?' Then said I,—'Bread and wine, my Lord.'—'Well said,' quoth he. 'And after the words of consecration be spoken, what then is there?'—'Bread and wine, my Lord,' I answered again.—'Ha!' saith he, 'I thought I could catch thee, thou lither [wicked, abandoned] heretic. Dost not then believe that after consecration done, there in the body and blood of Christ, verily and alone, nor any more the substance of bread and wine remaining?'—'My Lord,' said I, 'my sense doth assure me that the wine is yet wine, and the bread, bread; mine understanding doth assure me that the body of our Lord is a true natural human body, and cannot therefore be on an hundred altars at one and the same time; and I am therein confirmed of Saint Paul, which saith, that so oft as we do eat this bread, we do show forth the death of the Lord.'—'Ha, thou runagate!' he roareth out; 'wilt thou quote from Scripture in English? Hast thou no Latin? I have a whip that shall make thee speak Latin.'—'My Lord,' said I, 'I can quote from the Scripture in Latin, if that like your Lordship the better; and likewise in Greek, the which (being the tongue wherein they were written at the first) should be all the surer; but I, being an Englishman born (for the which I thank God), do more naturally read the Scripture in English.'—'I will not have thee to speak Greek!' crieth he. ''Tis the Devil that did invent Greek of late years, to beguile unwary men. And I do thee to wit that the Scripture was not writ in Greek, thou lying varlet! but in the holy tongue, Latin.'—'It would ill become me to gainsay your Lordship,' said I.—'I will have thee back,' saith he, 'to the first matter. And I bid thee answer me without any cunning or evasion: Dost thou believe that our Lord's body was eaten of the blessed Apostles, or no?'—'My Lord,' I answered, 'with all reverence unto your Lordship's chair and office, seeing the Lord's body was crucified on the Friday, I do not believe, nor cannot, that it was eaten of the Apostles the even afore.' Then he arose up out of his seat, and gnashed his teeth, and railed on me with great abuse; crying, 'Ha, thou heretic! thou lither knave! (and worser words than these) I have thee! I have outwitted thee! Thou art fairly beat and put down.— Have the heretic knave away, and keep him close.' And so I was carried back to the Marshalsea."

"Marry," said Mr Underhill, "but I think it was Edmund Bonner that was put down. I never knew what a witty fellow thou wert."

"Robin," said Isoult, "it should have aggrieved me sorely to be so unjustly handled. To hear him say that he had beat thee, when it was thou that hadst beat him! It should have gone mightily against the grain with me."

"The old story," answered Mr Rose. "'Is not that He whose high places and whose altars Hezekiah hath taken away?' Methinks that should rankle sore in Hezekiah's mind, and in the hearts of them that lovest him. Bishop Bonner is somewhat coarser and less subtle, yet 'tis the same thing in both cases."

"Well," said Robin, with a smile to those who had spoken, "after that I was not called up again. When at last I was brought out from the Marshalsea, I counted it would be surely either for an other examination or for burning. But, to my surprise, they set me on an horse, that was tied to the horse of one of the Sheriff's men, and I (with some twelve other prisoners likewise bound) was taken a long journey of many days. I could see by the sun that we were going west; but whither I wist not, and the man to whom I was bound refused to tell me. At the last we entered into a great city, walled and moated. Here we were brought afore a priest, that demanded of each of us what was the cause of our sentence; to whom I answered, 'Sir, I have not yet been sentenced, but I believe the cause of my prison to be that I do put faith in Saint Paul's words, that when we do show forth the Lord's death in the Sacrament of His Supper, it is bread the which we do eat.' Whereat he smiled somewhat, but after scowled, and bade an officer have me thence. Of whom I was taken down into a cell or little dungeon, and there set by myself. I asked of the officer where I was; and he laughed, and at first would not tell me. But after he said, 'Well, you are in Exeter, but say not unto any that I told it you.' In the prison at Exeter (where I was alone) I lay methinks over two years. Ah!" pursued Robin, dropping his voice, "it was hard work lying there! Men had forgotten me, I thought; I began to marvel whether God had. I saw none but my gaoler, that brought me meat [then the generic term for food] morning and evening, but scarce ever spake to me: and I fell at times to talking with myself, that I should not forget mine own tongue, nor be affrighted at the sound of mine own voice. At last, just as the warm days of Spring were coming, I was brought out, and again set on an horse. We went north this time; and one even, after passing by certain monastical buildings, we stayed at the door of a stately palace. Here I was bidden to 'light, for that we should go no further. They carried me away through many lobbies, and down stairs, and at length we came unto a chamber where was a gaoler sitting, with his keys at his girdle. He and my guide spake together, and he then bare me unto a cell, wherein I was locked. I asked again where I was, but to no end beyond being bidden to hold my peace, and stricken on the head with his keys. Here I passed not many days, ere one even the gaoler came unto me, and bade me to follow him. He led me down further stairs, and at the very bottom opened a heavy door. I could see nothing within. 'Go in,' said he, gruffly, 'and fall no further than you can help. You were best to slide down.' I marvelled whither I were going; but I took his avisement, and grasping the door-sill with mine hands, I slid down into the darkness. At length my feet found firm ground, though I were a little bruised in the descent; but I lighted on no floor, but a point only—all the walls sloping away around me. 'Are you there?' growls the gaoler—but his voice sounded far above me. 'I am some whither,' said I, 'but I can find no floor.' He laughed a rough laugh, and saith 'You can find as much as there is. There is little ease yonder.' And he shut to the door and left me. All at once it flashed on me where I was: and so terrible was the knowledge, that a cold sweat brake forth all over me. I had heard of the horrible prison in the Bishop of Lincoln's Palace of Woburn, called Little Ease [Note 1], which tapered down to a point, wherein a man might neither stand, nor sit, nor lie. Somewhat like despair came over me. Were they about to leave me to lie here and die of hunger? I shouted, and my voice came back to me with a mocking echo. I held my breath to listen, and I heard no sound. I was an outcast, a dead man out of mind; 'the earth with her bars was about me for ever.' I had borne all easily (so to speak) save this. But now I covered my face with mine hands, and wept like a child."

"My poor Robin!" said Isoult. "Tell me when this was."

"It was at the beginning of the hot weather," he answered. "I fancy it might be about June. I thanked God heartily that it was not winter."

"Ay," said she, "thou wouldst have more light."

"Light!" he said, and smiled. "No light ever came into Little Ease. I never knew day from night all the while I was there. Once in three days my gaoler unlocked the door, and let down to me a rope, at the end whereof was a loaf of bread, and after a tin pitcher of water; and I had to fasten thereto the empty pitcher. Such thirst was on me that I commonly drank the water off, first thing."

"But how didst thou go to bed?" asked Walter.

Robin smiled, and told the child there was no bed to go to.

"And did the gaoler never forget thee?" Kate wished to know.

"Twice he did," answered Robin, "for a day. But that would not kill me, thou wist. I became very weak ere I came forth. But to continue:—I wept long and bitterly, but it gave me no comfort. I felt as if nothing ever would give me comfort again. The Devil was very near me. It was all folly, he whispered. I had hoped a vision, and had believed a lie. God was dead, if there ever were any God; He never came into Little Ease. None would ever know where and what I was become. I should die here, and if fifty years hence my whitened bones were found, none would know whose they had been. Your dear faces rose around me, and I could have wept again, to think I should never see you any more. But the fountain of my tears was dried now. Mine heart seemed to be freezing into rock than which the walls of Little Ease were no harder. I sat or lay, call it what you will, thinking gloomily and drearily, until at last nature could bear no more, and I slept, even there."

"Well, Robin!" said Kate, "if thine heart were frozen, methinks it thawed again afore thou earnest hither."

"It did so, sweet heart," said he, smiling on her. "Even as I awoke, a text of Scripture darted into my memory, well-nigh as though one had spoken it to me. A strange text, you will say,—yet it was the one for me then:—'Then Jonah prayed unto the Lord his God out of the fish's belly.' Well, I was no worse off than Jonah. It seemed yet more unlike, his coming forth of that fish's belly, than did my coming forth of Little Ease. Methought I, so near in Jonah's case, would try Jonah's remedy. To have knelt I could not; no more, I fancy, could Jonah. But I could pray as well as he. That was the first gleam of inward light; and after that it grew. Ay—grew till I was no more alone, because God companied with me; till I was no more an hungred, because God fed me; till I thirsted no more, because God led me unto living fountains of waters; till I wept no more, because God wiped away all tears from mine eyes. Ere I came forth, I would not have changed Little Ease for the fairest chamber of the Queen's Palace, if thereby I had left Him behind. It gained on me, till my will grew into God's will—till I was absolutely content to die or live, as He would; to be burned in Smithfield, or to come home and clasp you all to mine heart—as should be most to His glory. The heats of summer, I thought, must be come; but on the hottest summer day, there was but cold and damp in Little Ease. The summer, methought, must be passing; and then, it must be past. I had left hoping for change. I only thought how very fair and sweet the House of the Father would be to me after this. So the hours rolled away, until one morrow, out of the wonted order, I heard the door unlocked. 'Are you there?' calls the gaoler in his gruff voice. 'Ay,' said I. 'Feel about for a rope,' quoth he, 'and set the noose under your arms; you are to come forth.' Was this God calling to me? I did not think of the pains of death; I only remembered the after-joy of seeing Him. I found the rope, and the loop thereof, which I set under mine arms. 'Cry out when you are ready,' saith he. I cried, and he slung me up. Can I tell you what pain it was? The light—the sweet summer light of heaven—was become torture; and I could neither stand nor walk. 'Ha!' saith he, when he saw this, 'you have not grown stronger. How liked you Little Ease?'—'I like what God liketh for me,' I made answer. He looked on me somewhat scornfully. 'Methinks you be but half rocked yet,' saith he. 'Maybe you shall come back. Matt!' At the shout an under-gaoler came forth of a door. 'Take thou this fellow by the arm,' saith he. 'We shall be like to bear him.' Himself took mine other arm, and so, more borne than walking, I reached the hall of the Palace. Here they took me into a little light chamber, suffered me to wash, and gave me clean garments, to my great ease. Then they sat me down at a table, and set before me a mess of sodden meat, with bread and drink, and bade me to eat well. I thought I was going afore the Bishop for sentence. But, to my surprise, they let me alone; locked me into the chamber, and there left me. This chamber had a barred window, looking out on the Palace court, in the midst whereof was a round of green grass. I cannot set in words the exquisite delight that window gave me. The green grass and the blue sky—I could never tire of them. Here they fed me well three times in the day; and at night I lay on a mattress, which was softer to me then than I ever felt afore a bed of down. When at last I was strong enough to ride, I was set on an horse, and his bridle tied to the horse of the Sheriff's man. So we rade away from Woburn, twenty or more in company. This time I saw we went south. At the last (I will not essay to tell you with what feelings), I knew we were nearing London. I wonder where were you, beloved, that even that I rade in at Aldgate? I looked longingly down the Minories, but I could see no familiar face."

"Why, Robin dear, what even was it?" said Isoult.

"How shall I tell thee, sweet mother, when I know not yet what even is this?" said he, and smiled. "It was fifteen weeks from to-day, saving three days."

"There is a sum!" said Mr Underhill. "Jack, whether can thou or I do it? Fifteen—two thirty-ones and a thirty—saving three—the 5th of October, I make it."

"I think so," assented John.

"October!" said Robin, still smiling. "I fancied it earlier. It is January, then, now? I thought we were not past Christmas. Well, through the City went we, and into Newgate, where, as afore, I was lodged alone."

"Newgate!" cried Mr Underhill. "And how doth mine old friend Alisaunder, and my most gentlest mistress his wife?"

"I saw not her," replied Robin; "but to judge from his face, I should say he doth rarely well. Here, then, in Newgate, I lay, marvelling that I was never sentenced and burned; but I knew nothing of the cause nor of what passed, until this even all the doors were unlocked, and we prisoners all were bidden to go forth, whither we would, for Queen Elizabeth reigned, and this was her Coronation Day. How strange it was to be free!"

"I marvelled what thou wert suffering, Robin dear," said Isoult, "but we never thought of Little Ease. We took thee for dead."

"So I thought you would," said he. "And now that I am returned to men's life again, tell me, I pray you, what day is this—of the month and week?"

"'Tis the 15th of January," said she, "and Sunday."

"And the year," he resumed, pausing, "I suppose, is Fifteen Hundred and Fifty-Eight?" [By the old reckoning from Easter to Easter.]

"It is so, dear heart," answered Isoult.

"It seemeth me," said Robin, "a little picture of the resurrection."

"Come, friends!" cried Mr Underhill, springing up, "I must be going, and I will not be balked of my Te Deum. Jack, thou promisedst it me."

"So I did," answered he, smiling. "Strike up, and we will all follow."

He struck up the chant, in his fine deep voice, and all joined in. Then Mr Underhill took his leave, and went home; after which the rest sat a little while in silence. Mr Rose was the first to break it.

"Robin, hast thou still a purpose to receive orders?"

"More than ever!" cried Robin, eagerly. "I never could before have told the people one-half of what I can tell now. I knew that God was sufficient for some things, but now I see Him all-sufficient and for all. I knew He could lift man up to Him, like a mother learning a child day by day; but I scantly knew how He could come down to man, like the same mother bending her sense down to the stature of her child, entering into his difficulties, feeling his troubles, making her a child for him. 'I, even I, am He that comforteth you;' 'I will comfort you, and ye shall be comforted;' yea, 'as one whom his mother comforteth, so will I comfort you.'"

"I think thou art right," said Mr Rose, softly.

Again they sat in silence till the clock struck eight—the hour at which they commonly parted for the night. Before any one moved, Mr Rose called Thekla to him. When she obeyed, he took her hand, and laid it in Robin's.

"The Lord bless you, and keep you!" he said tenderly. "My son, thou hast been in sorrow, and God hath been with thee: see thou leave Him not out of thy joy. May Jesus, who was the chief guest at the wedding in Cana of Galilee, be with you also, and turn the water of earthly hope into the best wine of heavenly peace. We have asked Him to the match; Lord, make One at the marriage!"

There was no voice silent in the Amen.

And then, as if the very act of lifting up his heart to God had borne him above earth, and he had forgotten the thing that caused it, Mr Rose went on:—

"'For Thou only art holy, Thou only art the Lord! Thou only, O Christ, with the Holy Ghost, art most high in the glory of God the Father!'"

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Note 1. There were several prisons which bore this name, one of them in London. The most horrible of all was that at Woburn, and was, I believe, the only one constructed on this cruel principle.



CHAPTER THIRTEEN.



APPENDIX.

HISTORICAL NOTES.

BERNHER, AUGUSTINE.

By birth a German-Swiss, probably from the neighbourhood of Basle. In contemporary notices often called Latimer's servant; but if the meaning of the word at that time be borne in mind, and the kind of service noted, it will be seen that he was only a servant in the sense of being in receipt of a salary from his employer. He was ordained in or before the reign of Edward the Sixth; and during the persecution under Mary, no man was more fervid and fearless than he. At many martyrdoms we find him consoling the martyr; visiting the condemned prisoners, and forming the recognised means of communication between them. His safety through all can only be attributed to the direct interposition of his Almighty Master. "Mine own good Augustine," wrote Bradford, "the Lord of mercy bless thee, my dear brother, for ever... The keeper telleth me that it is death for any to speak with me, but yet I trust that I shall speak with you." (Foxe's Acts and Monuments, eight 262). At the commencement of the persecution, Bernher lived at Baxterley, near Mancetter; but for a time during its height, he was minister of a small London congregation, which assembled secretly, sometimes in very curious places, and often on board some vessel in the Thames. Bernher was a married man. After the accession of Elizabeth, this Christian hero was presented by the Crown to the rectory of Southam, county Warwick (Richings' Narrative of Sufferings of Glover, etcetera, pages 10-12). But only for a very few years did Bernher survive the persecution. The scaffolding had served its purpose, and was taken down; the servant of God had done his work in aiding the brethren at risk of life, and the summons was issued to himself, "Come up higher." On April 19, 1566, Bartholomew Greene was presented to the rectory of Southam, "vacant by the death of Augustine Barnehere." (Dugdale's Warwickshire, page 339).

BONNER, BISHOP EDMUND.

This coarsest and most cruel persecutor of the Protestants, whose anger was particularly rife against married priests, was himself the illegitimate son of a priest, George Savage, the illegitimate son of Sir John Savage of Cheshire. His father was parson of Dunham; and during his earlier years he was known indiscriminately as Edmund Savage or Bonner, which last appears to have been his mother's name. The only punishment which this monster received at the hands of men lay in the refusal of Elizabeth to permit him to kiss her hand when the Bishops met her on her coronation progress, and the restriction of his residence for the remainder of his life. Probably he might even have been spared the last penalty, had he not had the cool effrontery to take his seat in the House of Lords as Bishop of London in Elizabeth's first Parliament. This provocation was too much for the patience of that determined Princess, and Bonner speedily found himself in the Marshalsea, where he was not uncomfortably accommodated until his death.

Elected Bishop of Hereford, December 17, 1539, but translated to London before consecration; consecrated Bishop of London, in the Bishop of London's Palace, by Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Richard Sampson of Chichester, and John [? William] Skippe of Hereford, April 2, 1540; deprived, October 1, 1549; restored, August 5, 1553; re-deprived, May 29, 1559; died September 5, 1569; buried in the churchyard of Saint George, Southwark.

FERRIS, GEORGE.

This worthy is sometimes called George Ferrers. He was born at or near Saint Albans, educated at Oxford, studied at Lincoln's Inn, wrote poems much admired in his day, and translated Magna Charta from French into Latin. He was patronised by Cromwell, and was "Master of the Revels in the King's house" in 1552 and 1553. Ferris died at Flamstead, in Hertfordshire, in 1579.

GREY, LADY JANE.

The opinion which her contemporaries formed of this lady, and which is to a great extent shared by their posterity, was not the true view of her character. She was by no means the meek, gentle, spiritless being whom novelists, and even historians, have usually depicted under her name. On the contrary, she was a woman with a very decided will of her own, and with far more character than her husband, who had set his weak mind on being proclaimed King. This Jane bluntly refused, though she was willing to create him a Duke. Through all her letters now extant there runs a complaining, querulous strain which rather interferes with the admiration that would otherwise be excited by her talents, character, and fate. My business in the story is to paint Lady Jane as the Protestants of her day believed her to be; but it is hardly just not to add that they believed her to be made of softer and more malleable material than she really was. The fact of her having been persuaded, or rather forced, to accept the Crown, has given this erroneous impression of her disposition. It was the only point on which she was ever influenced against her own judgment; the instigator being Lord Guilford, who in his turn was urged by his ambitious, unprincipled father, and his equally ambitious and unprincipled mother, in whose hands his weak, affectionate, yielding temperament rendered him an easy tool. The probability is, that had Jane been firmly established as Queen, she would have shown a character more akin to that of Elizabeth than is commonly supposed, though undoubtedly her personal piety was much more marked than that of her cousin. It seems rather strange that the child of parents, morally speaking, so weak as Dorset and Frances, should have displayed so strong and resolved a character as did Lady Jane Grey.

Born at Bradgate, 1536-7; married at Durham House, London, May 21, 1553; beheaded on Tower Hill, February 12, 1554.

HOLLAND, ROGER.

As much as is known of the history of this last of the Smithfield martyrs will be found in Foxe's Acts and Monuments, eight, 473-479. There is much difficulty, however, in deciding from what branch of the great Holland family the martyr came. All accounts tell us that he was a Holland of Lancashire; yet his name does not appear in any pedigree of the numerous Lancastrian lines. All these families are descended from Sir Robert de Holand, who died in 1328, and his wife Maude, heiress of La Zouche. Nor is it any easier to trace the relationship between Roger Holland and Lord Strange, or Mr Eccleston, both of whom Foxe calls his kinsmen. More than one branch of Holland married into Eccleston; and the Derby connection has eluded all my researches. Roger's wife was named Elizabeth, but her surname does not appear: they were married in "the first year of Queen Mary," 1553-4, and had issue one child, sex and name unknown. His martyrdom took place on the 27th of June 1558, or "about" that time; Foxe speaks doubtfully as to the exact day. Nothing further is known of his wife and child.

MONKE, THOMAS.

Son of Anthony Monke of Potheridge and Elizabeth Woode of London; born in 1516. He was twice married after the death of Lady Frances,—first, to Elizabeth Powell of Stroud, and lastly, to Katherine Hawkes. The third wife was childless; by the second he had one daughter, Dorothy. The male line of Monke failed in Christopher, only son of George Monk, Duke of Albemarle. In the female line the blood of the Plantagenets descended to many very obscure families. The wife of Colonel Pride, who conducted King Charles the First to his trial, was Elizabeth Monke of Potheridge, the eventual representative of the family. (Ancient Compotuses of Exchequer, Devon, 37-8 H. eight; Harl. Mss. 1538, folio 213; 3288, folio 50.)

NORTHUMBERLAND, JOHN DUDLEY, DUKE.

In some respects, this was the most remarkable man of his age. He may be said to have risen from nothing, for though his mother was Elizabeth, eleventh Viscountess Lisle in her own right, his father was Edmund Dudley, the mean and avaricious favourite of Henry the Seventh. The marriage of Dudley and Elizabeth was apparently forced upon the Viscountess, then a mere girl of some twenty years of age or under; and when she was left free, she re-married Sir Arthur Plantagenet (Viscount Lisle), to whom it seems probable that she had been originally betrothed. John Dudley was the eldest child of this ill-matched pair, and was born in 1502. The solitary object of his love was John Dudley, and the one aim of his existence was to advance that gentleman's fortunes. From a worldly point of view, he succeeded remarkably well. He passed gradually through the several gradations of Knight, Viscount Lisle (March 12, 1542), Lord High Admiral (1544), Governor of Calais (about 1545), Earl of Warwick, (February 17, 1547), Duke of Northumberland (October 11, 1551). The last title placed him at the very summit of his ambition. There were only two other Dukes in England, Norfolk and Suffolk: and had he been proclaimed King, his power could scarcely have been any greater than it was. "Yet all this availed Haman nothing, so long as he saw Mordecai the Jew sitting at the King's gate;" and so long as Edward Seymour drew the breath of life, there was bitterness in all the honours of John Dudley. He stooped to the lowest and vilest means of destroying his rival, and he effected his purpose; himself to be destroyed in his turn by the accession of Mary, not two years later. His attempt to make his daughter-in-law Queen was his last and most aspiring effort at his own aggrandisement. When that failed, all failed; and he sank "down as low as high he soared." Through life he was the acknowledged head of the Lutheran party; but in respect of personal religion he was a By-ends, adopting the creed which he thought would best advance his interests; his own proclivity being towards Popery, as he showed in the last days of his life,—unless it be thought that this, his latest act, worthy of the life which had preceded it, was a mere attempt to curry favour with Queen Mary. Bad as the man was, I do not like to think that his dying act was a lie. He suffered on Tower Hill, August 22, 1553. Northumberland was but once married, though he left a large family. His wife was Jane, daughter of Sir Edmund Guilford; a fitting wife for such a husband, being as ambitious and unscrupulous as himself. His children were thirteen in number, of whom only two left issue—the famous Earl of Leicester, and Lady Mary Sidney. The entire Dudley race is now extinct, except in the female line.

PALMER, SIR THOMAS.

In early life a great gamester and a notorious libertine, known as Long Palmer, on account of his height, and Busking Palmer—a term about equivalent to the modern "dandy." He generally signs his name as above, but upon one occasion, "Thomas de Palmer." He was at one time in the service of the Lord Privy Seal, Cromwell; and was one of the "gentlemen ushers daily wayters" at Court, before 1522; for three years he was knight porter at Calais. The part he took against the Gospellers during the Calais persecution is alluded to by Foxe (A. and M., five, 497, 505, 506, 520), and will be found fully detailed in my previous volume, "Isoult Barry of Wynscote." At the sorrowful time of Lord Lisle's arrest, his friend Palmer was jousting at Court. Edward Underhill names him as one of those "companions" with whom he was "conversant a while, until I fell to reading the Scriptures and following the preachers." In the army of Boulogne, 1544, Palmer was one of the captains of the infantry, and was taken prisoner by the French. We meet with him next, October 7, 1551, when "Sir Thomas Paulmer" writes Edward the Sixth (and another hand has interlined, "Hating the Duke and hated of him"), "came to the Duke of Northumberland to deliver him his cheine... whereupon, in my Lord's garden, he declared a conspiracy," evolved out of his inner consciousness, of which Somerset was the supposed inventor and real victim. On the 16th, conspirators and informer were impartially arrested, Palmer "on the terrace walking there." To Somerset, Palmer had denied every word he had uttered, when the Duke sent for him and charged him with the uttering: on the trial he was the principal witness, though the Duke denied his accusation, and "declared all the ill he could devise of Palmer." It was not necessary to "devise" much. It was soon plain that Palmer's arrest was a mere farce. He was not only released, but was appointed, March 4, 1552, one of the commissioners to treat with Scotland. In 1553 he proved true to his friend Northumberland, and shared his fate. Two versions of his dying speech are given, in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pages 22-24.

Lisle Papers, two, 125; nine, 10; seventeen, 94;—Cott. Ms., Nero, c. ten, 40, 41, 44-46, 51;—Harl. Mss., 69, folio 50; 283, folio 3; 425, folio 93;—Rutland Papers, page 102.

PEDIGREES.

The story will be scarcely intelligible without some elucidation of the pedigrees of the three families whose members are constantly meeting the reader—Barry, Basset, and Lisle. I have tried to put them into a form at once as short and as easy of reference as possible.

Barry of Wynscote.—Richard Barry, descended from the Lords Barry of Ireland, died June 2, 1462. His son:—John, died September 16, 1510. His son;—John, born 1473, died July 25, 1538: married Anne, daughter of Patrick Bellewe of Aldervescot, and Anne Dennis of Oxleigh, county Devon (and half-sister of Anne and Margery Basset. See below). His issue:—1. Henry, born 1514, died 1566; married Margaret, daughter of Nicholas Specott (she died March 14, 1580) 2. Hugh, of Bindon, married Alice, daughter and co-heir of Richard Wikes. 3. Elizabeth, married John Dennis of Matcott (branch of D. of Oxleigh). 4. Isoult, married John Avery of Bradmond, Badmond, or Bodmin, county Cornwall. Issue of Henry Barry:—1. Michael, married 1566, Jane, daughter of George Pollard of Langlough (issue, Thomasine, born January 5, 1570). 2. William. 3. Henry. 4. Lawrence. 5. Anne. Issue of Hugh Barry:—1. Alexander, died S.P. 2. Giles, married—(issue, Eleanor and Giles). 3. John, married Grace, daughter of Richard Oliver of Barnstable (issue, John, born 1604; Levi, born 1607; John, born 1610; Patience, born 1613; Philip, born 1615). 4. Margaret. 5. Anne. Issue of Elizabeth Dennis:—1. William, married Lucy, daughter of John Cloberie, and left issue. 2. Nicholas. 3. Ellen. 4. Anne. 5. Henry. 6. Giles. 7. Robert. 8. Philip. Issue of Isoult Avery unknown; but the following, who appear in the Bodmin Registers, may have been her sons:—Edward Avery (son baptised, 1562); Thomas (ibidem. 1563); Walter (children baptised, 1585, 1595); Michael, buried September 28, 1569.

Basset of Umberleigh.—Sir John Basset, died January 31, 1528; married (a) Anne, daughter of John Dennis of Oxleigh, and Eleanor Gifford; widow of Patrick Bellewe of Aldervescot; (b) Jane, daughter of Thomas Beaumont of Devon; (c) Elizabeth, family unknown; (a) Honor, daughter of Sir Thomas Grenville of Stow, and Isabel Gilbert; born circa 1498, married circa 1515, died circa 1548. (See Lisle, below.) His issue:—a. 1. Anne, married Sir James Courtenay (issue unknown). 2. Margery, married Sir John Marres of Cornwall (issue, Margaret, married George Rolle). b or c (uncertain). 3. Jane, apparently died unmarried: born circa 1505. 4. Thomasine, born circa 1512; died unmarried, March 19, 1535. (d) 5. Philippa, born circa 1516, apparently died unmarried. 6. Katherine, born circa 1518, married Sir Henry Ashley, of Ashley and Wimborne (Shaftesbury family: issue, Henry and Edward, both S.P.) 7. John, born October 26, 1519; died at Crowe, April 3, 1545; married Frances, eldest daughter of Arthur Lord Lisle (see Lisle, below). 8. Anne, born circa 1520, married after 1554 Francis Hungerford (issue unknown). 9. George, born circa 1522; died in London, 1580: married Jaquit, daughter and heir of John Coffyn of Portledge, county Devon (she re-married Henry Jones, and died November 25, 1588). 10. Mary, born circa 1525, married John Wollacombe of Combe, county Devon (issue, John, Thomas, and Honor). 11. James, born 1527, servant of Bishop Gardiner, and afterwards Gentleman of the Chamber to Queen Mary; died November 1558; buried Black Friars' Church, London: married Mary, daughter of William Roper. Issue of John Basset:—1. Honor, born at Calais, 1539, apparently died young. 2. Sir Arthur, born 1540, probably at Calais; married Eleanor, daughter of John Chichester of Rawley:—issue, 1. Anne, 2. Robert, who claimed the Crown as lineal descendant of Edward the Fourth, in 1603, and was compelled to fly to France; he married, at London, November 21, 1591, Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of Sir William Perjam:—issue, 1. Arthur, died young; 2. Arthur, born circa 1597, died January 7, 1672; married—Leigh: 3. William, born March 28, 1602: 4. Anne, married Jonathan Rashley of Fox: 5. Ellen, married George Yeo of Hushe: 6. Eleanor. 7. Mary. Issue of George Basset:—1. James, born 1565, died at Illogan, February 8, 1604; married Jane, daughter of Francis Godolphin: left issue. 2. Katherine: 3. Blanche. Issue of James Basset:—Philip, married — Verney, and left female issue; died after October 1, 1583.

Lisle.—Sir Arthur Plantagenet, son of Edward the Fourth and Elizabeth Lucy, born at Lille, circa 1462, created Viscount Lisle at Bridewell Palace, April 26, 1523; Governor of Calais, March 24, 1533; arrested May 17, 1540; died in the Tower, March 3, 1542; buried in the Tower. Married (1) Elizabeth, eleventh Viscountess Lisle, eldest daughter of Elizabeth Talbot, eighth Viscountess, and Sir Edward Grey of Groby; born circa 1480, married circa 1515, died 1527:—(2) Honor, youngest daughter of Sir Thomas Grenville of Stow, and Isabel Gilbert; born circa 1498, married circa 1530, died circa 1548. (See Basset, above.) His issue:—a. 1. Frances, born circa 1516, married (1) at Calais, February 17-22, 1538, John Basset of Umberleigh; (2) circa 1547, Thomas Monke of Potheridge; died circa 1560. Issue: (1) see Basset, above; (2) 1. Anthony, died May 9, 1620, married Mary, daughter of Richard Arscott, and left issue; 2. Katherine, married Jeremy Meo of Borrington; 3. Margaret, died unmarried; 4. John; 5. Francis or Frances; 6. Mary, (died unmarried). 2. Elizabeth, born circa 1518, married Sir Francis Jobson, of Monkwich, county Essex, who died June 11, 1573; she was living in 1560 (issue, 1. John, married Ellen, daughter of Sir Richard Pepsall, and left female issue; 2. Edward, of West Doniland, married Mary Boade, and left female issue; 3. Henry; 4. Thomas; 5. Mary). 3. Bridget, born circa 1520, married Sir William Carden, of Cawarden, Cheshire; living January 1, 1558 (issue, 1. Thomas, who left issue; 2. John), (b) 4. Infant, still-born or died soon after birth, at Calais, September 1537.

PROTESTANTS.

The Protestants in England, as on the Continent, were early divided into two great parties, known as Lutherans and Gospellers, or Consubstantiaries and Sacramentaries. These were nearly equivalent to the modern High Church (not Ritualistic) and Evangelical parties. There was yet a further division, at a later period, by the formation of a third sect known as Hot Gospellers, the direct ancestors of the Puritans. Without bearing these facts in mind, it is scarcely possible to enter into the politics of the period. Many who began as Lutherans ended as Gospellers: e.g., Cranmer, Somerset, Katherine Duchess of Suffolk. Some remained Lutherans for life, e.g., Queen Katherine Parr, Queen Elizabeth. And there were a few who never were Lutherans at all, of whom the representative is Latimer. The enmity between Somerset and Northumberland had a religious origin, Somerset being a Gospeller, and Northumberland professedly a Lutheran. It may be added that the Gospellers were as a rule Calvinists, the Lutherans Arminians.

ROSE, REVEREND THOMAS.

I do not think it needful to recapitulate the history of Rose, which may be found at length in Foxe's Acts and Monuments, eight, 581 et seq; and I only propose to add a few particulars and explanations which are not to be found in Foxe. It is only probable, not certain, that Mrs Rose was a foreigner, her name not being on record; and the age and existence of their only child are the sole historical data for the character of Thekla. I must in honesty own that it is not even proved that Rose's wife and child were living at the time of his arrest; but the contrary is not proved either. The accusation brought against him is extant among Foxe's Mss. (Harl. Ms. 421, folio 188); from which we find that he was detained at the Cross, in the Green Yard, near the Cathedral, Norwich; and that he was accused of having publicly held and taught "that in the eucharist, or sacrament of the altar, the true, natural, and real body and blood of Christ, under the forms of bread and wine, are not; but that after consecration the substance of bread and wine remaineth; and that whosoever shall adore that substance committeth idolatry, and giveth divine honour to a creature." (Foxe's Mss., Harl. Ms. 421, folio 188.) "Sir Thomas Rose, clerk, saith that he hath so preached, and will so preach" (Ibidem folio 146). On the 12th of May 1555, "Mr Thomas Rosse, preacher, was by the counsailles letters delyvered from the tower to the shrief of Norfolk, to be convayed and delyvered to the Bishop of Norwiche, and he either to reduce hym to recante or elles to precede against hym accordinge the lawe." (Diary of the Council's Proceedings, ibidem, Harl. Ms. 419, page 153.) And four days later,—"16 May. A letter to the Lord Treasourer, signifyinge what the 11 [Lords] had done for Rosse, and that order should be given according his Ls [Lordship's] request for letters to the Busshopps." (ibidem) Rose is by many of his contemporaries called Ross or Rosse, but he appears to have spelt his own name Rose. I say appears, because his autograph has been searched for in vain; the narrative of his sufferings, written by himself, and printed in the Acts and Monuments, is not extant among Foxe's papers. When Rose returned to England after the accession of Elizabeth, he took possession again of his old vicarage, West Ham; but resigned it when he was presented by the Crown to the vicarage of Luton in Bedfordshire. This was on November 4, 1562; and the living was vacant by the death of the Reverend — Mason. It formed a quiet retreat for the old age of the persecuted preacher. At Luton he spent nearly thirteen years, dying there in 1574; for on the 18th of June in that year, William Home was presented to the vacant living. (Rot. Parl. 5 Elizabeth, part 4; 16 Elizabeth; Bibl. Topogr. British Antiquities, volume four.) Foxe, therefore, was apparently mistaken when he spoke of Rose as still living, in his edition of 1576; he had in all probability not yet heard of his death. As Rose was born at Exmouth in or about 1500, his age was about seventy-four when he died—probably rather more than less. For such further details of his life as can be found in Foxe's volumes, I must refer my readers to his familiar and accessible work.

SOMERSET, EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE.

This very eminent man was the second son of Sir John Seymour of Wolf Hall, and Margaret Wentworth of Nettlestead, and owed his first rise to notice entirely to the elevation of his sister, Queen Jane Seymour. He married, at some period previous to this, Katherine, daughter and co-heir of Sir William Folliott, whom he repudiated when he reached a rather higher position, in order to marry Anne Stanhope, a great heiress. This was probably in 1537. On the 6th of June in that year he was created Viscount Beauchamp, and on the 18th of October following was advanced to the dignity of Earl of Hertford. So late as the accession of Edward the Sixth, he was still a Lutheran; for had he been then a Gospeller, we should not have found his signature to a letter written to the Council recommending a pardon at the Coronation, because "the late King, being in Heaven, has no need of the merit of it." He was created by his royal nephew, February 16, 1547, Duke of Somerset, and Lord Protector of England during the King's minority. It was very soon after this that he became a Gospeller; and immediately the Lords of the Council, headed by Northumberland, conspired to ruin him. The fullest, and the saddest, account of the plot against Somerset will be found in that Diary of Edward the Sixth, which records only facts, not opinions, much less feelings. Edward never enters anything in his Diary but events; and he did not see that the affair was a plot. Among Somerset's judges were his rival Northumberland, his daughter-in-law's father Suffolk, the Gospeller Sussex, his enemy Pembroke, and his cousin Wentworth. The Duke was acquitted of high treason, and condemned to death for felony, i.e., for devising the death of Northumberland. Somerset rose and owned honestly so much of the accusation as was true. He had considered whether it were advisable to impeach Northumberland and others; and had decided not to do so. He might have added that for his rival, a simple member of the Council, to depose and afterwards to impeach the Lord Protector, was at last as felonious or treasonable as any act of his. But words were vain, however true or eloquent. Northumberland had resolved upon his death, and thirsted for his blood. Somerset died upon Tower Hill, January 22, 1552. His Duchess survived him, but she was not released from the Tower until the accession of Mary. He left behind him twelve children; three by Katherine Folliott, nine by Anne Stanhope. The present Duke of Somerset is the representative of the former; the Duke of Northumberland, by the female line, of the latter. Lady Jane, the proposed Queen of Edward the Sixth, was afterwards Maid of Honour to Queen Elizabeth, and died unmarried, March 19, 1560, aged only nineteen. Somerset's failings were pride and ambition; and he suffered in having married a woman whose faults were similar to his own. The character delineated in the text is not that attributed to him by modern historians. I must beg my readers to remember, that the necessities of the story oblige me to paint the historical persons who enter into it, not as modern writers regard them, nor indeed as I myself regard them, but as they were regarded by the Gospellers of their day. And the feelings of the Gospellers towards Somerset were those of deep tenderness and veneration. Whether the Gospellers or the historians were in the right, is one of those questions on which men will probably differ to the end of the world. I believe that his last days, the worst from a worldly point of view, were the best from a religious one, and that he was chastened of the Lord that he should not be condemned with the world.

TITLES.

But a very short time had elapsed, at the date of this story, since the titles of Lord and Lady had been restricted to members of the Royal Family alone, when used with the Christian name only. A great deal of this feeling was still left; and it will be commonly found (I do not say universally) that when persons of the sixteenth century used the definite article instead of the possessive pronoun, before a title and a Christian name, they meant to indicate that they regarded him of whom they spoke as a royal person. Let me instance Lord Guilford Dudley. Those who called him "the Lord Guilford" were partisans of Lady Jane Grey: those from whose lips he was "my Lord Guilford Dudley" were against her. This is perhaps still more remarkable in the case of Arthur Lord Lisle, whom many persons looked upon as the legitimate son of Edward the Fourth. As a Viscount, his daughters of course had no claim to the title of Lady; those who gave it regarded him as a Prince. Oddly enough, his friends generally give the higher title, his servants the lower. From his agent Husee it is always Mrs Frances, never Lady; but from Sir Francis Lovell her sister is the "Lady Elyzabeth Plantagenet."

UNDERHILL, EDWARD.

The "Hot Gospeller," most prominent of his party, was the eldest son of Thomas Underhill of Wolverhampton and Anne Wynter of Huddington. He is known in the pedigrees of his family as Edward Underhill of Honingham. He was born in 1512, and at the age of eight succeeded to the family inheritance on the death of his grandfather, having previously lost his father (Harl. Ms. 759, folio 149). Underhill married, in 1545, Jane, daughter of a London tradesman, whom the pedigrees call Thomas Price or Perrins (Harl. Ms. 1100, folio 16; 1167, folio 10); but as Underhill himself calls his brother-in-law John Speryn, I have preferred his spelling of the name. The narrative of "the examynacione and Impresonmentt off Edwarde Underehyll" (from August 5 to September 5, 1553) is extant in his own hand—tall, upright, legible writing—in Harl. Mss. 424, folio 9, and 425, folios 86-98. Nearly the whole narrative, so far as it refers to Underhill himself, has been worked into the present story. Two short extracts have been printed from it, in the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary (pages 128, 170); and Strype has made use of it also. The ballad given in chapter eight is evidently not the one on account of which the author was imprisoned. Underhill had eleven children;—1. Anne, born December 27, 1548 [query 1546]. 2. Christian, born September 16, 1548. 3. Eleanor, born November 10, 1549. 4. Rachel, born February 4, 1552 [query 1551]. 5. Unica, or Eunice, born April 10, 1552. 6. Guilford, born at the Limehurst, July 13, 1553, to whom Lady Jane Grey stood sponsor as her last regnal act; died before 1562. 7. Anne, born in Wood Street, Cheapside, January 4, 1555. 8. Edward, born in Wood Street, February 10, 1556; the eventual representative of the family. 9. John, born at Baginton, about December, and died infant, 1556. 10. Prudence, born 1559, died young. 11. Henry, born September 6, 1561, living 1563. Some writers speak of a twelfth child, Francis; but this seems to require confirmation. Underhill removed to Baginton, near Coventry, about Easter, 1556. He appears to have lost his wife in 1562, if she were the "Mistress Hunderell" buried in Saint Botolph's on the 14th of April. He was living himself in 1569 (Rot. Pat., 10 Elizabeth, Part two); nothing has been ascertained concerning him subsequent to that date, but according to one of the Heralds' Visitations he returned to Honyngham. Notices of his descendants are very meagre; Lord Leicester's "servant Underhill," in 1585, is reported to have been one of his two surviving sons, Edward and Henry; and Captain John Underhill, the Antinomian, who figures in the early history of America, is said to have been the grandson of the Hot Gospeller. The Ms. which has chiefly supplied the dates given above was not found until too late to correct the text. The dates of birth, therefore, of Anne and Edward, as given in the story, are inaccurate. Underhill lent his "Narrative" to Foxe, who is said to have returned it without making use of it. That he made no use of it is certain, beyond recording the day of Underhill's committal to Newgate: but whether he ever returned it is not so certain; for it is bound with Foxe's papers at this day, to which fact we probably owe its preservation. In Ainsworth's "Tower of London," a fancy portrait of Underhill is given, precisely the opposite of that which I should sketch. "He was a tall, thin man, with sandy hair, and a scanty beard of the same colour. His eyes were blear and glassy, with pink lids utterly devoid of lashes; and he had a long lantern-shaped visage" (page 43). Mr Ainsworth (who evidently regards him as a grim ascetic) proceeds, with due poetical justice, to burn our friend on Tower Green, in 1554. I imagine that the dry humour for which Underhill was remarkable, would have been keenly evoked by perusal of the adventures there mapped out for him. For many of these details I am indebted to a distant relative of the Hot Gospeller.

THE END

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