Knowing that it would take some time for the troops to come up, I determined to try the effect of a threat of bombardment, and issued a proclamation remonstrating with the inhabitants on the folly of permitting themselves to be deceived by men who lacked the ability to execute their schemes; pointing out, moreover, that persistence in revolt would involve both the town and its rulers in one common ruin; for, if forced to the necessity of bombardment,—I would reduce the port and city to insignificance. On the other hand, I assured them that if they retraced their steps, and rallied round the Imperial throne, thus aiding to protect it from foreign influence—it would be more gratifying to me to act the part of a mediator, and to restore Pernambuco to peace, prosperity and happiness—than to carry out the work of destruction which would be my only remaining alternative.

In another proclamation I called the attention of the inhabitants to the distracted state of the Spanish republics on the other side of the Continent, asking whether it would be wise to risk the benefits of orderly government for social and political confusion; entreating them not to compel me to proceed to extremities, as it would become my duty to destroy their shipping and block up their port, unless within eight days the integrity of the empire were acknowledged.

These threats were held out in the hope that by intimidation a struggle might be prevented, but they failed to produce the desired effect. One result was, however, not a little curious, as originating an offer to myself from the revolutionary President, of a bribe of 400,000 milreis, to be shipped immediately on board the English packet anchored off the port, if I would abandon the Imperial cause, and come over to the Republicans; this offer alluding, in strong terms, to the "infamous treatment with which my services had been met by the administration at Rio de Janeiro, and warning me that, by adhering to it, I should meet with nothing but continued ill-treatment and ingratitude."

The subjoined is the revolutionary President's letter:

MY LORD,

Frankness is the distinguishing character of free men, but Your Excellency has not found it in your connection with the Imperial Government. Your not having been rewarded for the first expedition affords a justifiable inference that you will get nothing for the second. I therefore use the freedom to assure Your Excellency the amount of 400 contos of Reis, as an indemnification for your losses.

The services required from Your Excellency are to take up the cause of the "Confederation of the Equator," as adopted by the majority of the Northern provinces, whose limits will be the river of Francisco da Norte.

I have the honour to be Your Excellency's most humble servant,

MANUEL DE CARVALHO PAES D'ANDEADE.

The letter contained, in addition, an argumentative justification of the revolt, but as it abounds in abuse of the Emperor, couched in the most indecorous language, I will not sully these pages by printing it entire.

The result predicted by Carvalho—as I had learned by experience—was not improbable, but it did not follow that, because the Brazilian ministers were unjust and hostile to me, I should accept a bribe from a traitor to follow his example. I therefore transmitted the following reply to his impudent proposal:—

Pedro Primiero, Off Pernambuco, Aug. 26, 1824.

SIR,

If I shall have an opportunity of becoming personally known to Your Excellency, I can afford you proof to conviction, that the opinion you have formed of me has had its origin in the misrepresentations of those in power, whose purposes I was incapable, on principle, to serve.

I have, &c. &c. COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

His Excellency M. DE C. PAES D'ANDEADE.

On the 19th, the Junta requested the interposition of the English and French consuls to induce me to give further time for consideration. This I refused, from the dangerous nature of the anchorage, by which the safety of the ships was imperilled.

Unwilling, however, to injure this fine city, I sent in proposals for capitulation, giving permission to the revolutionary leaders to depart unpunished, together with their property, provided they quitted the Brazilian territory—demanding in return the surrender of the forts, ships of war, gunboats, &c. as well as of all public property. In order to prevent waste of time in correspondence, I proposed to Carvalho to meet me on board any neutral ship of war, pledging my honour as to his being permitted to return in safety; he nevertheless declined the interview, proposing in return to meet me on shore on an island near the town but—as after his insulting proposal, I could have no confidence in his honour, this was of course declined.

Still anxious to avoid extremities—from which, after the threats made, I could not consistently refrain—I again wrote to Carvalho, that, had he possessed the means of distinguishing between the intentions of the Emperor, and the proceedings of a foreign faction, he would not have been in arms against His Imperial Majesty, by adherence to whom Brazil could alone be saved from that anarchy and confusion into which Mexico and other South American States had fallen through individual rivalry and the ignorance of their popular assemblies. I further pointed out to him, that if, by procrastination I was compelled to bombard the city, the popular clamour against the insurgent authorities might be followed by melancholy proof to himself how quickly political adventurers may be abandoned or betrayed in the hour of danger, and that he had better yield to reason, what he could not prevent my effecting by force.

By writers who could not have known anything of the circumstances—which exist only in my own documents—I have been blamed for this tone of moderation towards the revolutionary President. There were two valid reasons for this course; first, that the conduct of the Pernambucans admitted of great palliation, seeing that the distractions resulting from the Portuguese faction in the administration at Rio de Janeiro had been ignorantly construed into acts of His Imperial Majesty—so that the injured people argued that it would have been better for them to have remained a colony of Portugal, than a colony of the Government at Rio de Janeiro—this mode of reasoning not being very far wrong. Secondly—and this fully accounts for the moderation complained of—I knew, from the most authentic sources that, in case of attack on the city, Carvalho had determined to retire into the interior, there to carry on civil war by enlisting the negro population under his standard; to avert which, I considered that moderation was the best course to induce him and his partisans to quit the empire, which would thus have been well rid of them.

It was folly, therefore, to consider the rebellion local, as had been represented to the Imperial Government, or that its actors and instigators were few and insignificant, for, in truth, as has been said, it had already extended far and wide into the adjacent provinces, I therefore wrote to the Minister of Marine, that "although it might not be difficult to put down the revolution in the city, which, even the land forces could have already accomplished, had they not been landed at a distance—yet that without great circumspection, the prevention of further revolution in the interior would be a work of time, trouble, and expense; and that even all these would be thrown away, unless the causes which had led to the rebellion, were removed or explained."

The time given having expired without acceptance of the terms, it became necessary to make at least a shew of enforcing them, though the water was too shallow to admit vessels of large burden to approach with safety, and the small vessels were ill adapted to the purpose; still I determined to make a demonstration, and as a preparatory step ordered Captain Welsh, of the Paraguassu, to shift into the flagship all the English petty officers and seamen; but a heavy swell set in, and as the anchorage was bad, I considered the risk imprudent.

The schooner Leopoldina was therefore ordered to try the effect of a few experimental shells; but the mortar so shook the vessel, that she had to be withdrawn, it being evident that nothing further could be done till the weather would permit the approach of ships, or that rafts could be constructed—for which purpose timber had been ordered from Bahia. Little damage was effected by this experiment, for the wealthiest inhabitants had fled into the interior, taking with them all their valuable property.

Heavy weather having now set in compelled the flagship to run to Bahia for safety, the outer road of Pernambuco being at this season exceedingly dangerous from the coralline nature of the bottom, as was practically proved by the fact that the Pedro Primiero lost every anchor but one, so that to remain was certain destruction, and there was no alternative but to make for Bahia to procure anchors.

Nothing had been heard of General Lima's force since its debarkation, I was therefore anxious to know what had become of it, and how far it was in a condition to cooperate, the speedy possession of the place being nautically an important point—for, whilst blockading we had intercepted a Portuguese vessel, only forty-three days from the Tagus, and learned from her letters that a large force was preparing at Lisbon, consisting of sixteen ships of war and numerous transports, their destination being Pernambuco; this forming sufficient proof that the Portuguese Government counted on the recovery of those disorganised provinces which had alike revolted against the mother country and the Emperor of Brazil.

On the 4th of September, the flagship left for Bahia, first visiting the island of Alexo, where the Cacique and Maranhao were at anchor. From them we learned that General Lima's head-quarters were at Leimham, his advance guard having joined the troops at Mogado, on the banks of a river near Cape St. Augustine, the revolutionary forces occupying the other bank.

On reaching Bahia, we received information that the rebel Government at Pernambuco was in immediate expectation of several fast sailing vessels, ordered by the revolutionary President from North America, and also of two steamers from England. I therefore wrote to the Minister of Marine to send me some superior sailing vessels, as, if the anticipated expedition from Lisbon, or those expected from England and America, made their appearance, four at least of our force would, from their bad sailing, run the risk of being captured on the first appearance of the enemy.

On learning the panic which had been created in Pernambuco, by the show of bombardment, and its anticipated repetition in earnest on my return, General Lima pushed forward towards the capital with no more formidable opposition than a few desultory skirmishes; and on the 11th of September, with the co-operation of the naval officers and seamen there left, took possession of the city, Carvalho retreating into the suburbs, where, breaking down the bridge which united them, he entrenched himself. On the following day, it was said that General Lima found in the treasury 400,000 dollars; perhaps the same which Carvalho had offered to me as a bribe to join the republican party.

The Piranga arriving at this juncture with a convoy bringing eight hundred additional troops, preparations were made to attack Carvalho; but the insurgent president, making his escape on a fishing raft, took refuge on board the British corvette Tweed, and afterwards got to sea.

During the interval which elapsed between my departure for Bahia and my return to Pernambuco, the distribution of prize money amongst those entitled to it took place, the flagship and the Maria de Gloria being paid at Bahia, and the rest at Pernambuco. As His Imperial Majesty had left me altogether unfettered by orders or instructions, and as he had given the 200,000 dollars to be used in furthering the Imperial objects, I determined not to regard the advances which had been made at Rio de Janeiro, as forming any portion of the reward, especially to the flagship, which had, unaided, achieved the more important results of the late campaign, and was therefore entitled to a share commensurate with the arduous exertions of the officers and crew, now again under my flag.

The subjoined extracts from the log of my secretary will shew the periods at which the distribution took place:—

Sept.10th. Made distribution of prize money in silver.

Sept.15th to 16th. Went on board the Maria de Gloria, and paid prize money.

Sept. 17th. Paid Capt. Crosbie, 10,400 dollars in specie. Paid other officers 5750 dollars.

Sept. 18th. Paid Admiral 4750 dollars.

Sept. 27th. Paying prize money to the Paraguassu and others.

Sept. 28th. Similarly employed.

Sept. 30th. Paying prize money.

Oct. 1st to 5th. Paying prize money.

The following were the amounts disbursed on these occasions, as far as they appear in my private memoranda—some doubtless having been lost:—

Dollars. Disbursements at Rio de Janeiro 70,750 (Paid Squadron as per account, made up Sept. 23, 1824.)

To petty officers and seamen of flagship, in classes numbered A to Y, as per pay books transmitted by Piranha 18,289

Paid Captain Crosbie 10,400

" Captain-Lieutenants Carvalho, Grenfell, and Shepherd, 2250 dollars each 6,750

" Capt. Grenfell, on account of captures at Para 2,750

" Seven Lieutenants, at 1500 dollars each 10,500

" Two Lieutenants at 1000 dollars each 2,000

" Six Lieutenants at 750 dollars each 4,500

" Lieutenant Ross as prize master 500

" Maria de Gloria 2,483

" Nitherohy, Carolina, and Paraguassu, no account, say the same 7,500

" Brig Bahia 274

" Officers and men of the Piranga 7,053

" Mr. Dean, purser 600

" Lieutenant Ayre 480

" Florencia Jose da Costa 140

" Gratifications to artisans 419

" To Admiral 4,750 " Secretary, for distribution 5,000 " May and Lukin, prize agents, as per balance of account, July 15, 1824 5,324 ——— 160,462 Original amount 200,000 ——— Balance to be accounted for 39,538 ======

The above were not the whole amounts paid, but they are all that a search amongst my numerous papers at present furnish; and as the original accounts, as has been previously stated, were sent to Rio de Janeiro, a more precise balance cannot here be drawn; but even this is sufficient to carry conviction to any reasonable mind, that the sums above stated were disbursed in ordinary routine, and should make the Brazilian administration ashamed to say, that "the First Admiral never sent in his accounts of the 200,000 dollars entrusted to him," thus inducing an unworthy inference that they were not disbursed; though any man possessed of common understanding could never believe that a squadron, constituted as the Brazilian Marine was, would obey orders and cheerfully act in unison with me, knowing that their prize money was on board—of which I unwarrantably held possession!

These explanations are more humiliating to the Brazilian administration than to myself—though for so many years the subject of unmerited obloquy from their denial of accounts which must unquestionably have been in the possession of the Administration of 1825. But I must carry these explanations yet farther. With the exception of 4750 dollars for my own necessities, I took none as my share, though entitled to an eighth in all cases, and to a fourth in the absence of other ships whenever important services were performed by the flagship alone. Neither had I received from the Imperial Government a single dollar of the customary emoluments due to me, though, had these been honestly paid according to the usages of nations and the stipulations of the Emperor's decree of December 11, 1822, my share ought to have been more than double the whole amount entrusted to me to man the ships and satisfy the officers and men. Still I did not appropriate the 39,000 dollars which remained, after paying the men, but determined to withhold it till I saw what course the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro intended to pursue; and, if that course were not satisfactory, then to appropriate it as a right, although it was wholly inadequate to the services rendered, for which I had been loaded with Imperial honours and national thanks, without a shilling of emolument, notwithstanding the capture of a hundred and twenty bona fide enemy's ships—the expulsion of their fleet and army—and the annexation of more than one half the empire. But more of this in another place.

On my return to Pernambuco, I found General Lima in quiet possession of the city, and as the Piranga had brought me instructions from His Imperial Majesty, that, as soon as order was restored, a force should proceed to Para, and depose the, General-at-Arms there nominated, I applied to General Lima for a small military detachment to effect that object; but he declined—on the ground, that in the present state of affairs in Pernambuco, it was not practicable to diminish his force.

It was not at Para only that irregularities prevailed: even at Maranham serious disturbances had broken out, with the avowed intention, on the part of the insurgents, of deposing the Governor acting under the authority of His Imperial Majesty—to whom this new attempt at revolution was as yet unknown. In short, the order to depose the General-at-Arms at Para had unexpectedly resolved itself into the necessity of tranquillizing the whole of the Northern provinces, which were only waiting the result of Carvalho's measures at Pernambuco, openly to declare against the Imperial authority.

The dissatisfaction in the Northern provinces originated solely in the anti-Brazilian system of Government pursued at Rio de Janeiro, which in the estimation of all at a distance was Portuguese rather than Brazilian. As they were either ignorant, or did not believe, that the patriotic intentions of the Emperor were overruled or thwarted by the Portuguese faction in the administration, which, holding in reality the reins of power, left to His Majesty little more than nominal authority.

It was not, then, to be wondered at, that the inhabitants of these distant provinces, who, only a year before, had welcomed me as their liberator from Portuguese oppression, and as the representative of constitutional authority, should now be dissatisfied with what they rightly considered an unnational system of government—preferring to submit to a bad government of their own choosing rather than to one thus arbitrarily imposed upon them.

To avert revolution required able presidents, well skilled in the management of public affairs; but, in place of these, men of an opposite character had, for the most part, been chosen by the administration.

It was no less essential that the Generals-at-Arms, or military commandants, should be temperate and unprejudiced; but those placed in this responsible position used their authority in the most obnoxious and arbitrary manner. It was, no doubt, difficult to find proper men; or, if they existed amongst the Brazilians, the jealousy of the Portuguese party in the administration prevented their elevation to power; the aim of that faction being disorder, as auxiliary to their anti-imperial views. This had been strikingly evinced by the instructions given to disembark General Lima's force at Alagoas, instead of near the seat of disturbance; thus entailing loss of time and a difficult and tedious march, which might have ended in failure, had it not been for the distraction caused by the threatened bombardment of Pernambuco by water, and the demonstration made to shew how easily it would be effected, when means for a destructive attack were complete; the result was, that—knowing my return from Bahia, with everything in readiness for an attack in earnest, could not be delayed beyond a few days, no serious opposition was offered to the occupation of the city by the force under General Lima.

The reports of increased disaffection in the Northern provinces becoming daily more precise, it was necessary to take advantage of the panic which the recovery of Pernambuco had occasioned; the more so, as serious commotions had arisen, whilst a strong disposition to revolt was almost universally manifested. As General Lima had refused me a military detachment—and as the Pedro Primeiro and Piranga could render him no further assistance, I considered it more in conformity with His Majesty's interests to visit the Northern ports with these ships; taking also the Cacique and Atalanta, for the performance of services to which the larger vessels were not adapted. The mere presence of these off the disaffected ports would, I knew, suffice to restore order, by affording inferential demonstration that, if force were required, it was ready to be applied.

Accordingly, leaving at Pernambuco the remainder of the squadron, we sailed on the 10th of October for Rio Grande do Norte, where great confusion prevailed amongst the inhabitants, threatened by the insurgents in the adjacent province of Ceara, on account of their abandonment of revolutionary designs in consequence of events at Pernambuco.

Arriving off the Rio Grande on the 12th, I requested information from the President, relative to the state of the maritime towns and provinces between Rio Grande and Para, especially with regard to Ceara. The nature of the reply determined me at once to proceed to the latter place, though regretting the necessity of going farther to leeward, on account of the time which would be occupied in getting back to Rio de Janeiro; yet feeling assured that it would not be satisfactory to His Majesty, were we to return without ascertaining more particularly the condition of the North, and without contributing to the restoration of tranquillity.

Arriving off Ceara on the 18th, I sent a communication to the President, requiring him to make known my arrival for the purpose of restoring order, and promising that all disaffected persons who, within fourteen days, should return to their allegiance, would be permitted to retire quietly to their homes, and would not in any way be molested on account of their previous acts or opinions.

A deputation of the inhabitants came off to the flagship, asking me to land as large a force as I could spare, but as General Lima had declined to supply a military detachment, it was out of my power to comply; for the roadstead being unsafe, and the flagship nearly aground, I could not dispense with the English seamen, whilst the Portuguese portion of the crews was not to be trusted. Besides which, the foreign seamen were not adapted to garrisoning a town.

The application was, therefore, evaded; but with an assurance to the President that, should the insurgents advance, we would render effectual assistance; reminding him, however, that the inhabitants ought to be induced to adopt amongst themselves, measures for their own protection and preservation of tranquillity, which results were perfectly within their power; and would render unnecessary the presence of military.

I however landed a small detachment for the purpose of ascertaining the means of defence, as well as in the hope of exciting the authorities on shore to some degree of activity in their own cause. In case of attack, I promised to disembark for their assistance the whole of the men who could be spared; at the same time giving permission to withdraw to the ships in case of sudden emergency, which might not admit of communication with me in time.

This offer produced the best effect in the city, giving confidence to the well-affected, whilst, as the discontented were ignorant of the extent of aid that could be afforded, they deemed it wisest to keep quiet. On the following day, the inhabitants returned to their allegiance, the officiating President hoisting the Imperial flag on the ramparts with his own hands, amidst every demonstration of general satisfaction.

I next caused despatches to be sent to all quarters of the province, announcing the return of the city to its allegiance, promising oblivion of the past to all who followed the example, and this was succeeded by a general acknowledgment of the Imperial authority. Confidential agents, entrusted with similar despatches, were likewise sent to the revolutionary forces headed by Bizarra, the rebel General-at-Arms, the whole of whose troops abandoned him; whilst, by similar agency, the corps, under the immediate command of the revolutionary president, Araripe, was reduced to a hundred men—even the Indians, without exception, abandoning his standard.

As one of the first steps towards the pacification of the province, I had published not only a general amnesty, but also a particular amnesty, offering to the insurgent leaders themselves especial pardon, from which, in ordinary general amnesty, they might otherwise imagine themselves excluded, I had, in my own mind, determined upon this as a general course to be pursued, as I could not but see that, in the outset of the revolt, both insurgents and leaders had good cause to be dissatisfied with the central Government at Rio de Janeiro. I had even addressed a letter personally to the revolutionary president, Araripe, remonstrating upon the folly of the course he was pursuing, and promising my protection to himself, as well as to the other revolutionary leaders, if they would return to their allegiance. He chose rather to withdraw into the interior, with the discontented who adhered to him, intending, no doubt, to wait till the naval force had retired. Foreseeing the danger of this, I issued a proclamation, offering a reward for his capture, sufficient to induce the Indians who had previously been his supporters to proceed in quest of him, the result being that he himself was killed, and the whole of his followers captured. The Indian chiefs, as well as their dependants, were of great service in the restoration of order, combining superior bodily strength and activity, with energy, docility, and unfailing power of endurance —forming, indeed, the best specimens of the native race I had seen in South America.

Previous to this I had succeeded, without much trouble, in restoring tranquillity to the province of Parahyba, which had also been disturbed by the mandates of Araripe; the inhabitants complying with his orders, from the immediate danger to which they were exposed by his violence, and being under the impression that Rio de Janeiro was too far distant to afford them succour. Their delight at finding a squadron at hand was, therefore, immediately followed by a repudiation of the insurgent chief, and a return to unqualified allegiance.

My next endeavour was to organise an effective force at Ceara, and this was accomplished by the embodiment of more than a thousand men, though we had not a soldier in the squadron. Various corps were also raised in the towns and villages of the province, and were active in pursuit of the scattered remains of the republican army.

Having thus assured myself of the complete restoration of order in the capital and province of Ceara, and addressed a proclamation to the inhabitants, pointing out to them the folly of being misled by designing persons, who could have no accurate knowledge of matters which formed the ground of complaint against the Imperial Government, we sailed on the 4th of November for Maranham, which province was found in a state of even greater anarchy than had prevailed at Ceara.



CHAPTER IX.

ARRIVAL AT MARANHAM—CHARACTER OF DISTURBANCES THERE—I ASSUME THE MILITARY COMMAND—PROCLAMATION COMMANDING SURRENDER OF ARMS—CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE—CORRUPTION OF THE AUTHORITIES—MURDEROUS PROPENSITIES—DIFFICULTY IN DETECTING ASSASSINS—LETTER TO MINISTER OF MARINE—PACIFICATION OF PARAHYBA—DOUBTS OF THE PRESIDENT'S SINCERITY—HE ESTABLISHES SECRET AGENCIES—EXTRAORDINARY MEMORIALS—PUBLIC COMPLAINTS OF THE PRESIDENT—BRUCE ENDEAVOURS TO INTERCEPT THEM—MY REPLY TO THE MEMORIALISTS—LETTER TO THE MINISTER OF MARINE—ENCLOSING COMPLAINTS OF THE CONSULS—BRUCE PREPARES TO RESIST MY AUTHORITY—COMPLAINTS OF THE BRITISH CONSUL—HE CONSIDERS MY PRESENCE NECESSARY—LETTER OF THE FRENCH CONSUL—DETAILING SHAMEFUL ATROCITIES—DANGER OF COLLISION WITH FOREIGN STATES—SUSPENSION OF THE PRESIDENT—PROVISION FOR FUTURE GOVERNMENT—CONDUCT OF THE FACTION AT RIO DE JANEIRO—NO INSTRUCTIONS SENT FOB MY GUIDANCE—LETTER TO THE MINISTER OF MARINE—THE MINISTRY HAD PREVIOUSLY DEPOSED BRUCE—BUT TURNED ON ME FOR ANTICIPATING THEIR OWN ACT.

We arrived at Maranham on the 9th of November, and ascertained that the city and province—as had been reported—were in a complete state of anarchy, arising from causes almost incomprehensible. The leaders of the army had risen against the authority of the president, Miguel Bruce, and fighting was going on when we entered the river. The strangest part of the affair was, that both parties declared themselves supporters of the Imperial authority, whilst each accused the other of plotting to form a republic. Bruce kept possession of the city by means of negro troops, from amongst whom he had also picked his officers, conferring upon them regular commissions; the result being, that their excesses kept the respectable inhabitants in a state of constant terror, so that my arrival was hailed with the greatest satisfaction, and addresses of congratulation were sent in from all quarters, even the ladies adopting the unusual course of sending a deputation to welcome me.

I immediately demanded from the president a report of the condition of the province; but before this was presented, memorials from every part put me in possession of the causes of disorder universally prevailing. The general complaint was, that the president had established an autocracy, refusing the co-operation of a council, as required by the constitution, and that under his individual authority, military disorders of all kind prevailed, even to murder, whilst outrages of the most revolting nature were committed amidst cheers of "Long live His Imperial Majesty;" thus using the Imperial name as a sanction to the perpetration of acts the most unlawful and injurious.

The President Bruce was the same individual whom, on the expulsion of the Portuguese in the previous year, I had temporarily appointed President to the first provisional Junta under the Empire, which body was quickly superseded by a Government elected by the people. Possessing influence amongst the Portuguese, of which faction—as afterwards appeared—he was a prominent supporter, he had contrived to get himself reinstated as head of the provincial Government, and was apparently following the policy of the Portuguese faction in power at Rio de Janeiro, viz. that of keeping his province in a state of confusion with a view to disgust the populace with the Imperial rule, and so dispose them, should opportunity offer, to favour the views of the mother country. This policy, as has been said, was marked out by the agents of Portugal; but Bruce, with every disposition to favour the views of the parent state, was not the man to be entrusted with political strategy of this nature. The fact being that, though possessed of a certain amount of cunning, Bruce was unfit to be entrusted with authority at all—much less to exercise that which recognises no control—so that the disorder which prevailed was rather a natural consequence of his own want of capacity, and arbitrary system of government. Finding every one against him, he was gradually throwing himself on the black population for support, promoting emancipated slaves to the rank of officers; and it was generally acknowledged that had it not been for our opportune arrival, both himself and the whites who remained in the city might speedily have fallen a sacrifice to the force which had been organised for his especial protection.

On the other hand, the opponents of the president were not only in arms against him, but there were two or three family parties fighting each other under the Imperial flag! and carrying their revengeful animosities to an outrageous extent, which threatened the extermination of one, at least, of the contending parties, if not the total ruin of the province. To deal with these parties was, from their mutual recriminations, more difficult than had they declared themselves inimical to the Imperial Government. In one thing, however, they were all agreed, viz. in opposition to the president; but as his was the constituted authority, this was precisely what I did not intend to sanction.

It was clear to me that the first remedy was the appointment of a proper military authority, and as none could be trusted, I apprised the president of my intention to assume the chief military command during my stay, or at least until order was restored, issuing a proclamation to that effect.

As hostilities were still going on, I sent an order to both parties to lay down their arms, with which mandate the anti-president party immediately complied, and dispersed; but as the savage blacks under the authority of the president attacked their now unarmed adversaries, and committed great excesses, I seized and put them on board some vessels, anchoring these under the guns of the flagship, and retained the whole as prisoners, thus keeping them out of the way of further mischief.

The surrender of the arms was effected by the following proclamation, which also explains my motives for this measure:—

Whereas, it is essential to the interests of the empire in general and to the province of Maranham in particular, to put an end to all public disturbances, whether arising from the contentions of individuals, or from other causes; and whereas, the Constitution has provided not only for the administration of justice in civil cases, but also for the summary trial of military offences.

Be it henceforth known that—all persons armed, or commanding or acting with men in arms, or aiding and assisting any body of armed men in the support or defence of any persons assuming or pretending to authority as chieftains, or attempting to alter the Constitution by force—are hereby subject to military jurisdiction and shall be tried by military law accordingly. But this regulation is not intended to prohibit individuals from meeting together unarmed, for the purpose of uniting in an application for the redress of grievances, or petitioning His Imperial Majesty on points connected with public or private interests.

And whereas, military arms and ammunition have been obtained, by numerous individuals on the pretext of using them for private defence—it being essential to public tranquillity and general good that people should have recourse to the protection of the laws, and not to violence for their security—notice is hereby given, that all persons in possession of such military arms are to deliver them up to the chief military officers in their respective districts, to be deposited in the public armoury. Whoever shall be found in possession of arms after the termination of this present month of November, shall be judged according to military law.

Given on board the Pedro Primiero this 12th day of November, 1824.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

This proclamation is adduced in order to shew the condition of the province on my arrival, which it does more fully than would pages of description. To these difficulties were now added the chagrin of Bruce, at having his military authority superseded, though his civil authority was not only uninterfered with, but supported. Still, having the orders of His Imperial Majesty to use my discretion in tranquillizing the disturbed provinces, it was not my intention to permit His Majesty's views to be frustrated by undue deference to a Governor, whose folly and despotism combined, had been the chief cause of the disturbances, though I well knew that the course I was pursuing, even though approved by His Majesty, would bring down upon me the indignation of the Portuguese faction in power at Rio de Janeiro.

The proclamation had the effect of procuring the surrender of arms to a great extent, followed by the disbandment of all irregular forces collected by the contending chieftains, so that apparent tranquillity was everywhere enforced.

The great point was to establish permanent order, which, had we gone away, would soon have been broken. As, since the reduction of Pernambuco, there was no other field for my active services, and as I had no instructions how to dispose of the squadron, I determined to remain at Maranham, and employ myself in consolidating the good already produced, till further commands from His Imperial Majesty; for having in the preceding year expelled the Portuguese from the province, its welfare was a matter of interest to me, and I felt assured that were His Majesty acquainted with the want of unity existing, authority would be given to carry out my views.

In Maranham, as in the other Northern provinces of the empire, there had been no amelioration whatever in the condition of the people, and without such amelioration, it was absurd to place reliance on the hyperbolical professions of devotion to the Emperor which were now abundantly avowed by those who before my arrival had been foremost in promoting and cherishing disturbance.

The condition of the province—and indeed of all the provinces—was in no way better than they had been under the dominion of Portugal, though they presented one of the finest fields imaginable for improvement. All the old colonial imposts and duties remained without alteration—the manifold hindrances to commerce and agriculture still existed—and arbitrary power was everywhere exercised uncontrolled; so that in place of being benefited by emancipation from the Portuguese yoke, the condition of the great mass of the population was literally worse than before.

To amend this state of things it was necessary to begin with the officers of Government, of whose corruption and arbitrary conduct, complaints—signed by whole communities—were daily arriving from every part of the province; to such an extent, indeed, was this misrule carried, that neither the lives nor property of the inhabitants were safe, where revenge, or baser motives, existed for the exercise of acts of oppression[1].

[Footnote 1: Numerous original, but lengthy, documents are in my possession proving all these facts.]

I therefore addressed a letter to the president, warning him that such things ought not to be tolerated; that reports of excesses committed by those under his authority were reaching me from all quarters, the perpetrators deserving the most severe and exemplary chastisement; that I had determined to investigate these matters; and under the reservation made—of personally acting under extraordinary circumstances—would visit these cases with severe punishment, should the reality come up to the representations made.

The recklessness of human life was amongst the more remarkable features of these excesses. Only a short time before this, I had granted a passport to Captain Pedro Martins, as the bearer of an offer from an insurgent party to lay down their arms, but he was murdered on his return. This atrocious act, perpetrated, as I had reason to believe, by some factious adherents to the president's party, from motives of revenge, was unfortunate, as affording a pretext for others who were ready to submit, to continue in arms for their mutual protection. I therefore directed that all troops under the authority of the president should remain where they were until further orders from me; and demanded of His Excellency to use every endeavour to apprehend the parties guilty of an act so disgraceful to the Imperial cause, that they might meet with due punishment.

Finding no effort made to apprehend the murderers, I addressed to Bruce the following letter:—

It is with great regret that I have learned the atrocious act committed by your soldiers against an officer having my passport for the purpose of endeavouring to tranquillize the province, by inducing the dissentient party to lay down their arms. This is a matter so disgraceful to the cause of those by whom it has been perpetrated, that I must enforce on your attention the necessity of exertion to apprehend all persons who may be suspected of having committed this crime, and send them immediately, prisoners, to this city.

I have further to direct, in the name of His Imperial Majesty, that the troops under your command shall remain where they are until further orders from me, as Commander-in-chief of the military and naval forces of this province, notwithstanding any authority or order which you may heretofore have received, or which you may hereafter receive—except from me—to the contrary.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO

It is almost needless to say that the guilty parties—though doubtless well known—were permitted to escape with impunity; the president alleging as his excuse, "the insufficiency of the regular troops to preserve the tranquillity of the city;" this remark being intended to throw upon me the responsibility of having secured on board the black savages whom he had organized. My reply was, that—"for what I had done, I was responsible to the supreme Government and the public, and if he could not find means to preserve the public tranquillity, I must do so; as he must be sensible that I had acted with propriety in relieving him from a portion of the labour and responsibility which he had hitherto sustained."

On the 28th of November, I forwarded to the Minister of Marine, at Rio de Janeiro, a full report of these transactions, from which the subjoined are extracts:—

The completion of the task of tranquillizing Ceara in a manner I trust satisfactory to His Imperial Majesty, was, in a great measure, effected by the pardon promulgated in the name of His Majesty—consigning to oblivion those occurrences which would otherwise have agitated the public mind. The only exception made was the intrusive President Araripe, and this, because, instead of availing himself of the first proclamation of amnesty, in which he was included, he retired into the interior with a band of robbers, in order to excite further disturbance. The consequence of this obstinate perseverance in disobedience on the part of Araripe, has been his death, and the capture of all his followers.

The restoration of Ceara to its allegiance and tranquillity having been thus accomplished, we proceeded to Parahyba, where all was tranquil, the inhabitants having unanimously declared His Imperial Majesty Constitutional Emperor, the moment that they became free from the terror of their more powerful and military neighbours at Ceara. Some dissensions, however, remained in the province. With respect to Maranham, things are different: no republican flag has been displayed—nor, as far as I can learn, did any intention exist on the part of the inhabitants of raising the standard of rebellion; the state of civil war in which we found the presidency arising from personal animosities amongst some of the principal families, especially between those families and that of His Excellency the President. Certain it is, that all were united against the President, who, to protect himself, had recourse to the assistance of the lowest classes of the community, even to emancipated slaves. The result has been, military disorders of all kinds—and there is no outrage which has not been perpetrated.

The general complaint against the President is, that the constitution has in no way been put in practice; that he has not established any lawful council; and that he has been guilty of arbitrary acts. The original documents relating to these matters are enclosed for the judgment of His Imperial Majesty.

I humbly hope that His Imperial Majesty will perceive that, although I had no express authority to interfere in internal disputes, yet it became my duty—on finding the province in a state of civil war—without any General-at-Arms, or other military officer of sufficient authority or capacity, to restore public peace—to take upon myself powers which I trust have been used for the benefit of His Imperial service. In order that the Imperial Government may judge of my proceedings, I have the honour to enclose copies of proclamations, and other documents relative to my transactions.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

On the 4th of December I was not a little surprised at receiving from President Bruce a letter requiring me to banish certain persons obnoxious to himself, amongst others Francisco de Moraes, who had been the first to set the example of submission to the proclamation issued on my arrival. This most unreasonable request I refused—writing to Bruce that dissensions were not likely to be healed by punishing those who had laid down their arms on the faith of a proclamation issued in the name of His Imperial Majesty; further assuring him that, if he did his duty, he would not find me remiss in endeavours to relieve the province and himself from the miseries and difficulties with which he had been surrounded.

On the 5th of December I had the satisfaction of receiving a deputy from Parahyba, assuring me of the perfect pacification of the town and province. On receipt of this gratifying intelligence I transmitted to Parahyba a general amnesty, coupled with advice as to the folly "of rebelling under erroneous impressions of circumstances with regard to His Imperial Majesty, which could not come within the sphere of their personal knowledge, and hoping that, for the future, they would duly appreciate the beneficence of a sovereign who desired that his authority —limited by the Constitution—should be felt by his people only through the exercise of justice and benevolence."

It was a vexatious task to be thus constantly exhorting the disaffected in the Northern provinces to confidence in the Imperial Government, because I knew that they had but too good reason to be dissatisfied—not with the Emperor—but with his administration, whose hopes were founded on anarchy and intrigue. It was therefore my practice to exhort them to rely on His Imperial Majesty—it not being within the scope of my duty to draw the distinction between the Imperial wishes and the sinister practices of those by whom His Majesty was surrounded.

During the period of my absence I had been pressing upon the Department of Marine at Rio de Janeiro the necessity of a speedy adjudication of the prizes belonging to the squadron, according to the written order of His Imperial Majesty. On the 5th of December I received an evasive reply from the Auditor of Marine, stating that "he did not consider himself in possession of all the laws and regulations whereon his judgment should be founded in regard to seizures made or vessels captured by the naval forces of Brazil." A miserable subterfuge!—as though it were any part of my duty to supply an official with "laws and regulations" on such a subject. It was quite evident to me that, despite His Majesty's orders, no adjudication was intended, nor was any afterwards made; but in order to prevent complaint of neglect on my part. I transmitted, on the same date, to the auditor the whole of my documents, with a request that they might be returned.

From the state of the province on my first arrival, I had entertained suspicions as to the President's sincerity; and as outbreaks were again of frequent occurrence, notwithstanding the general desire for pacification, an investigation into the causes of these elicited the fact that he was secretly sending agents to promote disturbance, for the purpose of revenging himself upon those now disarmed, who, before my arrival, had opposed his arbitrary authority.

To such an extent was this carried, that memorials reached me begging my interference, as the memorialists could not now defend themselves. Two of these memorials, signed by upwards of three hundred of the respectable inhabitants of the province, were of such a nature as to render hopeless the perfect restoration of order so long as the President was permitted to exercise the autocracy, which, contrary to all the principles of the constitution, he had irresponsibly assumed.

In order to account for a step which I subsequently considered it my duty to adopt, it is necessary to give some extracts from one of these memorials, signed by a hundred and fifty-two of the most respectable inhabitants in a distant part of the province:—

"That the most demoralizing excesses are permitted amongst the soldiery, and, in order to preserve his influence with the troops, the President permits them to murder with impunity—even Europeans; the perpetrators of these acts being not only unpunished, but rewarded, whilst military commandants and others attempting to repress these disorders are dismissed; so that absolute authority is established—the public money being squandered on the soldiery, in order to support a criminal despotism.

"Your Excellency must have witnessed the state to which the province was reduced on your arrival, the people being compelled to have recourse to arms in order to ward off a multitude of vexations. Your Excellency must also have observed how quickly they laid down their arms at your summons, of which circumstance the party of the President availed themselves to sack and plunder the towns and villages everywhere in the country; the tears, desolation, and misery of so many villages and estates, accompanied by the blood of the murdered and wounded, remaining eternal monuments of these crimes.

"The President and his followers, convinced of the abhorrence with which such atrocities were viewed, availed themselves of the false pretext that such acts were necessary for the Imperial service, the people being in rebellion against him.

"At the present moment he has given out that he has three thousand men ready to support him in the Presidency against the measures of your Excellency, and it is a fact that, in various parts of the province, he has troops, militia, and arms; whilst the commandants, appointed by himself, are all ready to execute his measures.

"If your Excellency should unhappily quit the province, whilst matters are in this state, it will be totally desolated—its commerce annihilated—and its agriculture abandoned; confiscation and terror will be everywhere established, accompanied by rebellion towards the Emperor. If you will remain, we, the undersigned, undertake to support the squadron, in the absence of funds from the Imperial treasury.

"To terminate these evils, we beg to represent to your Excellency that there is only one remedy. President Bruce must be deposed and sent to Rio de Janeiro, with his coadjutors, who are well known, in order that his acts may be lawfully investigated, and punished as justice demands; and that, in the interim, there should be elected by your Excellency, from amongst the more respectable inhabitants of this province, a person to represent to His Imperial Majesty the horrible state of things here existing, and to implore His Imperial Majesty's interposition for its salvation—your Excellency, in the meantime, assuming the civil and military government of the province, until His Imperial Majesty's pleasure can become known. And we further beg of your Excellency that you will name able magistrates, of known probity, to the respective districts, and cause oaths to be taken, in order that the respective Camaras may proceed to the work of saving the province from tumult and anarchy, by observing faithful obedience to His Imperial Majesty and by the administration of laws for the government of the people.

"Maranhao, Dec. 11, 1824."

Signed by one hundred and fifty-two of the principal inhabitants of the province.

A similar document, signed by upwards of a hundred and fifty of the respectable inhabitants of Alcantara—upon whom excesses had been committed in no way less reprehensible than at Maranham—had been forwarded to me on the 6th of December; but, as the complaints were of the same nature, it is unnecessary to do more than advert to the circumstance. In addition to these, I received a statistic list of the murders and robberies perpetrated throughout the province, under the agency of those placed in authority by the President. The whole of these documents were retained by me as a justification of any contingency that might arise, and are still in my possession.

The Maranham memorial reached me on the 14th of December, and had scarcely been placed in my hands, when a letter arrived from President Bruce, deprecating its reception, thus shewing that he had previously been made aware of the contents, and—as I had afterwards reason to believe—had attempted to intercept the memorial, but had failed in so doing. After glancing at the contents, I made him the following reply:—

SIR,

I have this moment been honoured with the receipt of your Excellency's letter, and have to state that the document to which you allude had not been delivered to me five minutes previous to your Excellency's communication, and that I have not yet had time to read it.

Your Excellency may, however, rest assured that if the said paper contains any thing injurious to the interests or dignity of his Imperial Majesty, I shall not fail to take such steps as the occasion may require. All papers that have been presented to me, it is my intention to transmit to Rio de Janeiro, where the Imperial government will judge of the motives of the writers, and of the contents of their communications.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

Dec. 14, 1824.

My reply to the memorialists was as follows:—

Maranham, Dec. 18,1834.

GENTLEMEN,

I have read your memorial with attention, and regret that you should have occasion to detail complaints of so painful a nature, the more so as I do not know whether I am authorised to remedy the evils otherwise than by such measures as have been already adopted.

According to the Constitution, you ought to find a remedy in the laws; but if any authority, commissioned by His Imperial Majesty, has improperly placed obstacles in the way of law, to His Majesty only can an appeal against such conduct be made, for they who attempt to redress evils arising from a breach of the Constitution, by violating that very Constitution place themselves in an equally disadvantageous position with the object of their accusation.

As regards the deposition of the President, which you request, I frankly confess to you, Gentlemen, that whatever may be my private opinion as to the course most advantageous to you and the province in general—and even to the President himself—I should feel extremely reluctant, except in a case of manifest and extreme necessity, to take upon myself a responsibility which might possibly subject me to the displeasure of His Imperial Majesty, and would most certainly expose me to be continually harassed by prejudicial reports and false accusations, supported by artful intrigues, against which neither prudence nor rectitude could effectually avail.

To mention an instance of this, within your own knowledge, you all know that, last year, when this province was annexed to the empire, the property of Brazilians under the flag of Portugal, and of all resident Portuguese, was by me respected and unmolested. You know, too, that all the public property of the Portuguese Government in the arsenals and magazines was left untouched, and it is equally true that upwards of sixty contos of reis (60,000 dollars) in specie, and one hundred and forty contos (140,000 dollars) in bills taken in the Portuguese treasury and custom house, were left by me in the hands of the Government of Maranham, for the payment of the army. Yet, notwithstanding these notorious facts, it has been audaciously declared by the Portuguese authorities composing the prize tribunal at Rio de Janeiro, that that very army—which I had thus left the means to pay—had served disinterestedly at their own expense, and that I was a mercenary and a robber! I may add, too, that the Junta of Maranham contributed in no small degree to this calumny, for, after they had secured the money, they refused to give me a receipt, though the sum I had so lent for the use of the army was, and still is, the indisputable property of the officers and men of the ships of war who were instrumental in freeing this province from a colonial yoke.

In short, great as is my desire to render you every service in my power, I am not willing to interfere in matters over which I have no express authority—because I do not like to risk the displeasure of His Imperial Majesty, attended, as it might be, not only with sudden dismissal from my official situation, but even with heavy fines and imprisonment; not to mention the sacrifice of all those pecuniary interests which I possess at Rio de Janeiro, where I have enemies eagerly watching for a pretence to deprive me of all to which I have a claim. Neither am I disposed to afford to those persons any opportunity of giving plausibility to those calumnies which they are ever so ready to utter, nor to be under the necessity of placing myself on my defence before the world against their false accusations.

I have the honour, GENTLEMEN, &c. &c.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

The memorial of the inhabitants of Maranham was, together with other complaints, forwarded by me to the Imperial Government, accompanied by the following letter to the Minister of Marine:—

December 16th, 1824.

MOST EXCELLENT SIR,

My letters 278-279, will have acquainted your Excellency of our proceedings here up to their respective dates, and will also have afforded the Imperial Government such information as I could collect regarding the origin and progress of the disputes which have so unhappily prevailed.

It was my hope that—by taking their implements of war from the hands of the contending parties, and removing the most disorderly portion of the military—the public mind would have subsided into tranquillity. It appears, however, that—from the constant alarm occasioned by the "Pedestres," and other irregular troops lately maintained by the President—the public still continue in dread of being exposed to outrages, similar to those lately committed on their persons and property. The terror excited is universal, and as the people must be well acquainted with the character and conduct of persons with whom they have been bred up, I cannot bring myself to believe—however desirous to support a President nominated by His Imperial Majesty—that all the respectable portion of the population, without exception, entertain fears that are groundless. Indeed, from all that I have seen or heard, there is but little reason to hope that his Excellency the President has any intention to govern this province on any other system than that of the Captains-General, under the old Portuguese government; that is to say, rather according to his own will than in conformity with the dictates of justice or equity.

Certain it is, that, up to the present moment, the Constitution has never been put in practice, and even military law has not been adhered to. Numerous persons have been banished without accuser or declared crime—others have been thrown into gaol—and the greater portion of the principal people who remained had—previous to our arrival—fled to the woods, to avoid being the objects of the like arbitrary proceedings.

The representations which I now enclose to your Excellency as a sample of the numerous documents of a similar nature addressed to me, will, at least, lead His Imperial Majesty to the conclusion that such complaints could not have arisen, and continued under the government of a person calculated to preside over the interests of so important a province.

Your Excellency will find a memorial from the French Consul, marked No. 7, and the other Consuls have only been restrained from sending similar representations from the consideration that, on the squadron quitting this port, the consequences might be highly prejudicial to their interests and those whom they represent.

I would further state to your Excellency the remarkable fact that the President—after having continued a high pay to the soldiery during the existence of those disorders of which they were the instrument—did, at the moment of my taking the command, send me an old order respecting the diminution of the pay of the troops, which order he himself had never put in execution. And it is still more extraordinary, that he since refused any pay whatever, to the small number of troops of the line, who are continued in service for the preservation of the tranquillity of the city.

Since my last letters, I have been using all possible diligence to get the remainder of the firearms out of the hands of the lower classes of the population. Many, however, have been withheld—a circumstance which gives additional importance to the extraordinary fact, which I have only by accident learned—that the Junta of Fazenda, acting under the President, issued an order on the 6th of December (an attested copy of which is enclosed), authorising the sale of powder, and that too, under the false pretence that "all motives for suspending the sale of powder had ceased." I have not words in which to express the astonishment I felt at this extraordinary proceeding. I shall only add that, as soon as it came to my knowledge, I gave orders that such sale should not be permitted, and I have since directed the whole of the powder in the magazines at Maranham to be embarked and deposited in a vessel near the anchorage of the ships-of-war; by which precaution I consider the security of the white population to be in a great measure secured, till His Imperial Majesty shall be enabled to take such steps as in his judgment may appear necessary.

Were I to detail to your Excellency all the facts that lead my mind to a conclusion that this province will be entirely lost to the empire unless a speedy remedy be applied to the evils which here exist—it would be necessary to trespass upon you at very great length; but as the brother of the Secretary of Government proceeds to Rio de Janeiro by the same conveyance as this, your Excellency and colleagues will be able to obtain from him such further information as may satisfy your minds regarding the state of this province.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

It was not long before I learned that in many parts troops were being secretly organised to support the President's authority against me, but this was met by removing from command those officers who had either permitted or encouraged military insubordination; supplying their places with others upon whom I could better rely.

An occurrence, however, now took place which threatened to involve Brazil in serious difficulties. From the indiscrimination of Bruce's troops in their career of injury and plunder, some renewed outrages had been committed on French subjects; for which the French consul required reparation from me, as having assumed the chief authority; at the same time again demanding passports for himself and the whole of the French residents, in case of my intention to quit the city and leave Bruce again in power. The British consul also forwarded additional complaints of similar outrages against his countrymen; but, in place of requiring reparation at my hands, he forwarded representations to his own government, requesting protection against the acts of Bruce, at the same time communicating the fact of these representations to me, but declining to furnish me with a copy of his despatch, as I had no direct appointment from the Imperial Government for the authority I was exercising. The demands of the French consul were, however, pressing; but I could only reply with regard to the outrages committed against French subjects by the adherents of the President:—"I was sorry that it was not in my power to remedy past evils; but that such steps had been taken as would prevent their recurrence for the future."

The subjoined is one of the letters of the British Consul:—

British Consul's Office,

Maranhao, Dec. 17, 1824.

My Lord,

Understanding that your Lordship has an intention of soon withdrawing your presence from this province, I am forced, as the official and responsible protector of British interests in this quarter, to make the following statement, leaving it to be proved by the facts therein set forth that I am, by this course, adopting the only means within my reach, of providing for the interests confided to my attention, a satisfactory security! and that I am, by so doing, not departing from that line of conduct which, as a neutral officer, I am bound to observe.

By this time your Lordship must be fully aware of the violent character and desolating effects of the late civil commotions throughout this province. These commotions unhappily existed during a protracted period, and whilst they were raging, the regular pursuits of the community were either interrupted by violent party intrigues—suspended by a barbarous warfare—or totally stopped by merciless outrages.

Notwithstanding this disjointed state of society, and the consequent inefficiency of all constituted authority, the resident British, by general and firm perseverance in a strictly neutral line of conduct, and by calm endurance of not a few unavoidable ills—succeeded in averting from themselves the chief weight of those evils to which all the remaining population were exposed.

But though they now feel grateful at having escaped outrage and have passed unhurt amidst general anarchy, still, they recollect, that while by their conduct they were entitled to protection, they nevertheless continued in a painful anxiety for their safety.

In this state of uncertain security the resident British continued for several months, and when at last intrigue attempted to force them into the general scene of distress—some being openly threatened—your Lordship's providential arrival averted the destruction of many inhabitants, and the dangerous condition of all.

Into this critical situation were British interests at this place thrown by violent party spirit. That spirit, though at present smothered, cannot be totally extinguished without time. It has unsettled the community at large, and disorganised all the military establishments of the province.

After this exposition of facts, I may be allowed to assert, without thereby offering the least disrespect to any constituted authority, that your Lordship's presence in this province for the time being is indispensable for the tranquillity and security of all its inhabitants— because the only means by which legal control can be revived, and consequently an occurrence which must be as desirable and needful to all public functionaries, as I frankly avow it to be to one, who has the honour to declare himself

Your Lordship's Most obedient and humble servant,

ROBERT HESKETH, His Britannic Majesty's Consul.

To the Right Hon. Lord Cochrane, Marquis of Maranhao, Admiral, &c. &c.

The letter of the French Consul is even more precise, and therefore I subjoin that also:—

Vice Consulate of France at S. Louis de Maragnon,

Monsieur le Marquis, Dec. 4, 1821.

La position difficile dans laquelle je me suis trouve depuis trois mois—la delicatesse de celle dans laquelle je suis place maintenant vis-a-vis M. le President de la province de Maragnon, m'imposant le devoir de porter a la connoissance de votre Excellence les justes motifs de plainte que j'ai a lui exposer centre la conduite de M. le President Bruce envers un Agent de Sa Majeste le Roi de France, et venir a ce titre reclamer un appui que je ne puis plus dorenavant attendre de sa part. La confiance que m'inspire le caractere dont votre Excellence est revetue, et la certitude qu'elle n'ignore pas les intimes relations qui lient la France a l'Empire du Bresil, me font qu'elle saura apprecier les consequences graves que doivent entrainer l'avance faite ici aux sujets de mon Souverain, et le silence meprisant que garde a cet egard le President depuis un mois que je lui ai demande la participation du resultat d'une enquete qu'il m'assura avoir ete ordonnee par lui. Sans m'entendre sur les evenements facheux qui ont desole cette province depuis cinq mois, pour etre hors du but que je me propose je me bornerai a parler de ceux dont je puis garantir l'authenticite et de l'influence du Gouvernement de M. Bruce pendant cet intervalle sur le bien-etre de mes nationaux.

Lors des premieres armamens faits dans la province, pour opposer des forces a une expedition supposee de la part du Portugal, un Francois etabli a Caixas, compris dans une mesure generale fut oblige d'autorite de delivrer une partie d'armes dont il ne recut jamais la valeur, malgre un sejour prolonge de plusieurs mois dans le meme endroit. Quelque modique que soit la somme qu'il s'est vu dans la necessite de venir reclamer ici, elle est proportionnee a ses moyens. C'est un tort evident fait a cet homme qui ne put continuer a exercer son industrie dans le lieu qu'il avoit choisi, et fut contraint a un deplacement couteux qui doit lui retirer toute confiance a l'avenir.

L'arrivee des troupes envoyees par le President pour reprimer un mouvement dans l'interieur immediatement apres le depart de M. Jose Felix Burgos, ne fut signalee dans la ville d'Alcantara que par des desordres, les Etrangers meme n'y furent pas respectes dans cet endroit, qui n'etoit pas encore le theatre des hostilites. Un homme de ma Nation y exercant paisiblement son commerce fut attaque chez lui, eut les portes de sa maison enfoncees par les soldats, fut temoin deux fois du pillage de sa boutique et force pour sauver ses jours d'aller sejourner dans le bois; ce malheureux n'a d'autre ressource maintenant que le travail de ses mains, ce fait contre lequel il eut ete de mon devoir de reclamer vient seulement de parvenir a ma connoissance.

Les Francois etablis en cette ville avoient joui jusqu'a l'arrivee dans l'ile des troupes armees contre le President d'une trop grande securite, pour ne pas revailler contre eux toute la haine dont avoit eut fait preuve deja les Portugais avant l'adhesion de cette province a l'Empire du Bresil. Un acte emane de leur despotique Junte avoit malgre les traites fait fermer les loges Francoises jusqu'a la reception des ordres precis de leur gouvernement, qui desapprouvait hautement cette mesure. Ces memes Portugais oubliant la generositie avec laquelle les commandants de trois batimens de Sa Majeste le Roi de France venoient de sauver un grand nombre de leurs compatriotes lors des derniers troubles du Para, n'ecoutant que leur jalousie ne s'efforcerent qu'a nous perdre dans l'opinion publique par le plus noires inculpations. Je les considere comme ayant influe puissament sur le malhereux evenement que j'ai eu a deplorer. Malgre l'avertissement que j'avois donne huit jours auparavant au President de la menace qui etoit faite aux Francois de leur faire subir le genre d'assassinat usite ici, le 21 Septembre, quatre Francois ete surpris par des assassins, deux furent tres maltraites, l'un atteint de plusieurs blessures a la tete et au bras fut reconduit chez lui baigne dans son sang; ses blessures au bras, fracture en deux endroits laissent encore douter apres 70 jours de douleurs aigues s'il ne devra par subir l'amputation. Le meme jour a la meme heure, un Francois fut attaque chez lui malgre le signe de reconnaisance qui distingue depuis les troubles les maisons des Francois; des pierres lancees dans sa porte et ses fenetres pendant un long espace de temps, l'obligerent a venir lui-meme dissiper par des menaces une troupe d'hommes qu'il esperoit ne pas voir echapper a la surveillance d'un porte militaire a proximite de sa maison.

M'etant rendu chez le President, lui demander d'abord la punition de ce crime atroce, il eut l'inconvenance de m'objecter que la conduite des Francois etoit tres reprehensible, je remarquoi ces paroles et le lui fis observer; elles ne pouvoient s'appliquer d'ailleurs qu'a deux individus passes au service du parti oppose, que j'etois venu desavouer lui en demandant expulsion. Le President repondant se rendit a ma demande, et me donna l'espoir d'avoir une satisfaction, tant pour l'attentat a la vie des quatre individus de ma Nation, que pour l'attaque du domicile d'un Francois.

Neanmoins les jours suivants les desordres continuerant, les Francois etoient outrages publiquement; un soldat eut l'audace de poursuivre mon negre dans la maison Consulaire et de l'y frapper en se repondant en invectives contre les Francois; un enfant de neuf ans fut horriblement maltraite par des soldats, jusqu'aux negres osoient lever la tete, et nous insulter. Mr. Bruce avoit-il pris du mesures de repression? Est-ce la protection que devoit en attendre l'Agent d'une puissance amie du Bresil? En butte a l'animositie d'une soldatesque indisciplinee, nous courumes pendant quinze jours le danger le plus imminent, nous attendant a tout instant a voir se realiser ses menaces de venir nous massacre dans nos maisons.

J'ai eu depuis a reclamer contre le violation d'un batimen du commerce Francois. Malgre trois gardes de la Douane, cinq soldats armes furent envoyes a son bord a neuf heures du soir; je les fis retirer le lendemain; ce dernier acte du President qui des lors commenca a ne plus garder aucuns menagemens avec moi, faisant incarcerer un des mes nationaux sans m'en donner avis ainsi que des motifs qui l'y portoient; le pavilion du Roi place au dessus de l'Ecusson de France, que je trouvai lacere, me firent prevoir que je n'avois plus rien a attendre de la protection de l'autorite.

Monsieur le Marquis, je me suis maintenu a mon poste malgre les dangers tant que j'ai eu l'espoir que l'arrivee de Votre Excellence si desiree de la population entiere de la province, viendroit nous delivrer de ce deplorable etat de choses. Sans connaitre les intentions de Votre Excellence, je vois Mr. Bruce encore president, non-seulement il ne m'a donne aucune satisfaction, mais encore apporte dans sa conduite, le mepris le plus marque par un fileure qui ne pent s'interpreter autrement.

C'est donc contre lui, Monsieur le Marquis, que je vieus en solliciter une aujourd'hui pour ce total oubli de ses devoirs envers un Agent de Sa Majeste tres Chretienne; cette conduite emporte le refus d'aucun appui de sa part pour l'avenir; d'ailleurs mon caractere publique m'impose de ne pas m'exposer a un outrage, et l'interet que je dois a mes nationaux de les soustraire a son implacable vengeance. Si Votre Excellence ne jugeoit pas convenable d'user de ses pleins pouvoirs pour m'accorder la seule garantie qui puisse me permettre de sejourner plus longtemps ici, je viens lui demander de proteger mon embarquement et celui des Francois qui restant encore a Maragnon.

Je suis, avec respect, Monsieur le Marquis, de Votre Excellence le tres humble et tres obeissant serviteur,

(Signe) PL. DES SALLIERES.

A son Excellence LORD COCHRANE, Marquis de Maragnon, Premier Amiral du Bresil, &c. &c.

The steps alluded to were such as I considered most essential for the safety of the as yet unacknowledged empire; which, through the folly of a provincial Governor, was in danger of being jeopardised by collision with powerful European states. As stated to the Maranham memorialists, I did not adopt the extreme measure of deposing Bruce from the presidential authority, but resolved to suspend him therefrom till the pleasure of His Imperial Majesty as regarded his conduct should be made known. Accordingly, on Christmas day, 1824, I addressed to him the following letter;—

Maranham, Dec. 25,1824.

SIR,

It is with extreme regret that I feel myself under the necessity of acquainting your Excellency that it is impossible for me to withdraw the squadron from Maranham, so long as your Excellency continues to exercise the functions of President of this province; because it is evident that if your Excellency is left in authority, without the aid of the squadron, you must again have recourse to the assistance of the lowest order of the people, whom, on my arrival here, I found in arms in support of your Excellency, against nine-tenths of the upper classes of society, who continue to entertain the greatest terror of being left under the authority of your Excellency.

To prevent the recurrence of so lamentable a state of things—the loss of lives—and the calamities of every kind which would inevitably ensue, I would respectfully suggest to your Excellency the necessity of your withdrawing from office, until the determination of His Imperial Majesty can be obtained.

I can, with great truth, assure your Excellency that my intentions are not in any degree dictated by any feelings of personal ill-will towards your Excellency. On the contrary, I have a wish to rescue you from a situation of great jeopardy, and it is chiefly with a view of avoiding to do anything that might appear derogatory to your Excellency, that I am desirous the change so necessary to be effected should proceed from your Excellency's voluntary resignation. But I regret to add that so pressing is that necessity, that it is quite essential that your Excellency's determination should be immediate, and therefore I hope to be favoured with your Excellency's reply in the course of the present forenoon.

Permit me to assure you that if it should be your desire to continue in this city in the character of a private gentleman until the determination of His Imperial Majesty, with respect to your resumption of office, or otherwise, shall be known, no impediment to your Excellency's wishes will originate with me; or, if you should think proper to proceed at once to the Court of Rio de Janeiro, a commodious conveyance shall be provided for the accommodation of your Excellency, and of those whom you may deem it convenient to accompany you.

(Signed) COCHRANE AND MARANHAO.

Bruce did not resign, preferring to accept my offer of conveyance to Rio de Janeiro, there to await His Majesty's decision. Complete tranquillity being thus restored to the province of Maranham, and not to that only, but also to the adjoining provinces, which had more or less entered into the existing disorders, either as adherents of the insurgent chiefs, or of the President, it became requisite to organize a government. Not deeming it politic to elevate to power any member of those families of distinction whose feuds were only dormant on compulsion, I appointed Manuel Telles de Silva Lobo, the Secretary of Government, as interim President; he being entirely unconnected with family factions, well acquainted with the details of government, and of unimpeachable integrity. At the same time I caused the Camaras to be re-assembled, so that the administration of law and public affairs might be carried on according to the forms and intentions of the constitution.

This suspension of the President was afterwards fully approved of by His Majesty, and the more patriotic of his advisers, as only anticipating their intentions, it being a remarkable fact that, at the very time I was suspending him, an order from His Majesty was on its way to supersede him; information of his proceedings having previously reached Rio de Janeiro, so that in what had been done, I had only carried out the intentions of His Majesty.

Nevertheless, the occasion—as affording a good opportunity to traduce me—was afterwards eagerly seized by the Portuguese faction in the administration. All attempts to injure me in the estimation of the population at Rio de Janeiro—which was firmly attached to the Emperor, and grateful to me for my services—had signally failed; but on his arrival at Rio de Janeiro the representations of the ex-president whose mal-administration I had summarily checked, were published in every possible shape, whilst the Minister of Marine unwarrantably withheld my despatches from the public, as well as from His Majesty, the consequence of which was that the prejudicial representations of what were termed my arbitrary acts had full effect. It was represented that I, a foreigner, had dared, unauthorised, and on false pretences, to seize on the person of a gentleman occupying the highest position in one of the most important provinces, and had sent him to Rio de Janeiro as a prisoner, whilst it was I who deserved to be brought to condign punishment for the outrage; and had I at the moment been within reach of the Portuguese faction at the capital, which was embittered against me for establishing order, when to further their own anti-Imperial designs disorder was alone wished—a summary end might have been put to my efforts for preserving and consolidating the integrity of the Brazilian empire.

That this vituperation and hostility would be the result I well knew; but as the Portuguese party in the administration could scarcely treat me worse than they had done, I had made up my mind to encounter their displeasure. Of His Majesty's approval I felt certain; and, in return for the uninterrupted favour and reliance, which, notwithstanding the self-interested hostility of his anti-Brazilian Ministers, I had uniformly experienced at his hands, I had all along resolved to secure that which I knew to be His Majesty's earnest wish—the unity of the empire by the pacification of the Northern provinces. All attempts to thwart this on the part of the Portuguese faction were futile, and even unconsciously favourable to the course I was perseveringly pursuing, though all my despatches to the minister remained unanswered, and no instructions were sent for my guidance.

Notwithstanding the neglect of the administration to supply the squadron with necessaries, and myself with instructions, in a position foreign to my duties as naval Commander-in-Chief, and which I had only accepted at the earnest wish of His Imperial Majesty—I carefully kept the Government advised of all that took place. The same ship which conveyed the ex-president to Rio de Janeiro, carried also the following despatch to the Minister of Marine:—