[867] He defined Favourite as 'One chosen as a companion by a superiour; a mean wretch, whose whole business is by any means to please:' and Revolution as 'change in the state of a government or country. It is used among us kat hexochaen for the change produced by the admission of King William and Queen Mary.' For these definitions Wilkes attacked him in The North Briton, No. xii. In the fourth edition Johnson gives a second definition of patriot:—'It is sometimes used for a factious disturber of the government.' Premier and prime minister are not defined. Post, April 14, 1775. See also ante, p. 264 note, for the definition of patron; and post, April 28, 1783 for that of alias.

[868] 'There have been great contests in the Privy Council about the trial of the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford [on a charge of Jacobitism]: Lord Gower pressed it extremely. He asked the Attorney-General his opinion, who told him the evidence did not appear strong enough. Lord Gower said:—"Mr. Attorney, you seem to be very lukewarm for your party." He replied:—"My Lord, I never was lukewarm for my party, nor ever was but of one party!"' Walpole's Letters, ii. 140. Mr. Croker assumes that Johnson here 'attempted a pun, and wrote the name (as pronounced) Go'er. Johnson was very little likely to pun, for 'he had a great contempt for that species of wit.' Post, April 30, 1773.

[869] Boswell omits the salutation which follows this definition:

Chair Ithakae met haethla, met halgea pikra Haspasios teon oudas ikanomai.

'Dr. Johnson,' says Miss Burney, 'inquired if I had ever yet visited Grub-street, but was obliged to restrain his anger when I answered "No;" because he had never paid his respects to it himself. "However," says he, "you and I, Burney, will go together; we have a very good right to go, so we'll visit the mansions of our progenitors, and take up our own freedom together."' Mme. D'Arblay's Diary, i. 415.

[870] Lord Bolingbroke had said (Works, in. 317): 'I approve the devotion of a studious man at Christ Church, who was overheard in his oratory entering into a detail with God, and acknowledging the divine goodness in furnishing the world with makers of dictionaries. These men court fame, as well as their betters, by such means as God has given them to acquire it. They deserve encouragement while they continue to compile, and neither affect wit, nor presume to reason.' Johnson himself in The Adventurer, No. 39, had in 1753 described a class of men who 'employed their minds in such operations as required neither celerity nor strength, in the low drudgery of collating copies, comparing authorities, digesting dictionaries,' &c. Lord Monboddo, in his Origin of Language, v. 273, says that 'J. C. Scaliger called the makers of dictionaries les portefaix de la rpublique des lettres.'

[871] Great though his depression was, yet he could say with truth in his Preface:—'Despondency has never so far prevailed as to depress me to negligence.' Works, v. 43.

[872] Ib. p. 51. 'In the preface the author described the difficulties with which he had been left to struggle so forcibly and pathetically that the ablest and most malevolent of all the enemies of his fame, Horne Tooke, never could read that passage without tears.' Macaulay's Misc. Writings, p. 382. It is in A Letter to John Dunning, Esq. (p. 56) that Horne Tooke, or rather Horne, wrote:—'I could never read his preface without shedding a tear.' See post, May 13, 1778. On Oct. 10, 1779, Boswell told Johnson, that he had been 'agreeably mistaken' in saying:—'What would it avail me in this gloom of solitude?'

[873] It appears even by many a passage in the Preface—one of the proudest pieces of writing in our language. 'The chief glory,' he writes, 'of every people arises from its authors: whether I shall add anything by my own writings to the reputation of English literature must be left to time.' 'I deliver,' he says, 'my book to the world with the spirit of a man that has endeavoured well.... In this work, when it shall be found that much is omitted, let it not be forgotten that much likewise is performed; and though no book was ever spared out of tenderness to the author, and the world is little solicitous to know whence proceeded the faults of that which it condemns; yet it may gratify curiosity to inform it, that the English Dictionary was written with little assistance of the learned, and without any patronage of the great; not in the soft obscurities of retirement, or under the shelter of academick bowers, but amidst inconvenience and distraction, in sickness and in sorrow.' Works, v. pp. 49-51. Thomas Warton wrote to his brother:—'I fear his preface will disgust by the expressions of his consciousness of superiority, and of his contempt of patronage.' Wooll's Warton, p. 231.

[874] That praise was slow in coming is shown by his letter to Mr. Burney, written two years and eight months after the publication of the Dictionary. 'Your praise,' he wrote, 'was welcome, not only because I believe it was sincere, but because praise has been very scarce.... Yours is the only letter of good-will that I have received; though, indeed, I am promised something of that sort from Sweden.' Post, Dec. 24, 1757.

[875] In the Edinburgh Review (No. 1, 1755)—a periodical which only lasted two years—there is a review by Adam Smith of Johnson's Dictionary. Smith admits the 'very extraordinary merit' of the author. 'The plan,' however, 'is not sufficiently grammatical.' To explain what he intends, he inserts 'an article or two from Mr. Johnson, and opposes to them the same articles, digested in the manner which we would have wished him to have followed.' He takes the words but and humour. One part of his definition of humour is curious—'something which comes upon a man by fits, which he can neither command nor restrain, and which is not perfectly consistent with true politeness.' This essay has not, I believe, been reprinted.

[876] She died in March 1752; the Dictionary was published in April 1755.

[877] In the Preface he writes (Works, v. 49):—'Much of my life has been lost under the pressures of disease; much has been trifled away; and much has always been spent in provision for the day that was passing over me.' In his fine Latin poem [Greek: Inothi seauton] 'he has left,' says Mr. Murphy (Life, p. 82), 'a picture of himself drawn with as much truth, and as firm a hand, as can be seen in the portraits of Hogarth or Sir Joshua Reynolds.' He wrote it after revising and enlarging his Dictionary, and he sadly asks himself what is left for him to do.

Me, pensi immunis cum jam mihi reddor, inertis Desidiae sors dura manet, graviorque labore Tristis et atra quies, et tardae taedia vitae. Nascuntur curis curae, vexatque dolorum Importuna cohors, vacuae mala somnia mentis. Nunc clamosa juvant nocturnae gaudia mensae, Nunc loca sola placent; frustra te, somne, recumbens, Alme voco, impatiens noctis, metuensque diei. Omnia percurro trepidus, circum omnia lustro, Si qua usquam pateat melioris semita vitae, Nec quid agam invenio.... Quid faciam? tenebrisne pigram damnare senectam Restat? an accingar studiis gravioribus audax? Aut, hoc si nimium est, tandem nova lexica poscam?

Johnson's Works, i. 164.

[878] A few weeks before his wife's death he wrote in The Rambler (No. 196):—'The miseries of life would be increased beyond all human power of endurance, if we were to enter the world with the same opinions as we carry from it.' He would, I think, scarcely have expressed himself so strongly towards his end. Though, as Dr. Maxwell records, in his Collectanea (post, 1770), 'he often used to quote with great pathos those fine lines of Virgil:—

'Optima quaeque dies miseris mortalibus aevi Prima fugit, &c.'

yet he owned, and the pages of Boswell amply testify, that it was in the latter period of his life that he had his happiest days.

[879] Macbeth, Act ii. sc. 3.

[880] In the third edition, published in 1773, he left out the words perhaps never, and added the following paragraph:—

'It sometimes begins middle or final syllables in words compounded, as block-head, or derived from the Latin, as compre-hended.' BOSWELL. In the Abridgment, which was published some years earlier, after never is added 'except in compounded words.'

[881] It was published in the Gent. Mag. for April, 1755 (xxv. 190), just below the advertisement of the Dictionary.

[882] In the original, 'Milton and Shakespeare.'

[883] The number of the French Academy employed in settling their language. BOSWELL.

[884] The maximum reward offered by a bill passed in 1714 was 20,000 for a method that determined the longitude at sea to half a degree of a great circle, or thirty geographical miles. For less accuracy smaller rewards were offered. Ann. Reg. viii. 114. In 1765 John Harrison received 7,500 for his chronometer; he had previously been paid 2,500; ib. 128. In this Act of Parliament 'the legislature never contemplated the invention of a method, but only of the means of making existing methods accurate.' Penny Cyclo. xiv. 139. An old sea-faring man wrote to Swift that he had found out the longitude. The Dean replied 'that he never knew but two projectors, one of whom ruined himself and his family, and the other hanged himself; and desired him to desist lest one or other might happen to him.' Swift's Works (1803), xvii. 157. In She Stoops to Conquer (Act i. sc. 2), when Tony ends his directions to the travellers by telling them,—'coming to the farmer's barn you are to turn to the right, and then to the left, and then to the right about again, till you find out the old mill;' Marlow exclaims: 'Zounds, man! we could as soon find out the longitude.'

[885] Joseph Baretti, a native of Piedmont, came to England in 1750 (see Preface to his Account of Italy, p. ix). He died in May, 1789. In his Journey from London to Genoa (ii. 276), he says that his father was one of the two architects of the King of Sardinia. Shortly after his death a writer in the Gent. Mag. (Iix. 469, 570), who was believed to be Vincent, Dean of Westminster, thus wrote of him:—'Though his severity had created him enemies, his talents, conversation, and integrity had conciliated the regard of many valuable friends and acquaintance. His manners were apparently rough, but not unsocial. His integrity was in every period of his distresses constant and unimpeached. His wants he never made known but in the last extremity. He and Johnson had been friends in distress. One evening, when they had agreed to go to the tavern, a foreigner in the streets, by a specious tale of distress, emptied the Doctor's purse of the last half-guinea it contained. When the reckoning came, what was his surprise upon his recollecting that his purse was totally exhausted. Baretti had fortunately enough to answer the demand, and has often declared that it was impossible for him not to reverence a man, who could give away all that he was worth, without recollecting his own distress.' See post, Oct. 20, 1769.

[886] See note by Mr. Warton, ante, p. 275. BOSWELL.

[887] 'On Saturday the 12th, about twelve at night, died Mr. Zachariah Williams, in his eighty-third year, after an illness of eight months, in full possession of his mental faculties. He has been long known to philosophers and seamen for his skill in magnetism, and his proposal to ascertain the longitude by a peculiar system of the variation of the compass. He was a man of industry indefatigable, of conversation inoffensive, patient of adversity and disease, eminently sober, temperate, and pious; and worthy to have ended life with better fortune.' BOSWELL.

[888] Johnson's Works, v. 49. Malone, in a note on this passage, says:—'Johnson appears to have been in this year in great pecuniary distress, having been arrested for debt; on which occasion Richardson became his surety.' He refers to the following letter in the Richardson Corres, v. 285:—

'To MR. RICHARDSON.

'Tuesday, Feb. 19, 1756.

'DEAR SIR,

'I return you my sincerest thanks for the favour which you were pleased to do me two nights ago. Be pleased to accept of this little book, which is all that I have published this winter. The inflammation is come again into my eye, so that I can write very little. I am, Sir, your most obliged and most humble servant,

'SAM. JOHNSON.'

The 'little book' is not (as Mr. Croker suggests) Williams's Longitude, for it was published in Jan. 1755 (Gent. Mag. xxv. 47); but the Abridgment of the Dictionary, which was advertised in the Gent. Mag. for Jan. 1756. Murphy says (Life, p. 86), that he has before him a letter in Johnson's handwriting, which shows the distress of the man who had written The Rambler, and finished the great work of his Dictionary. It is directed to Mr. Richardson, and is as follows:—

'SIR,—I am obliged to entreat your assistance. I am now under an arrest for five pounds eighteen shillings. Mr. Strahan, from whom I should have received the necessary help in this case, is not at home, and I am afraid of not finding Mr. Millar. If you will be so good as to send me this sum, I will very gratefully repay you, and add it to all former obligations. I am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

'SAMUEL JOHNSON.

'Gough-Square, 16 March.'

In the margin of this letter there is a memorandum in these words:—'March 16, 1756. Sent six guineas. Witness, Win. Richardson.' In the European Mag., vii. 54, there is the following anecdote recorded, for which Steevens most likely was the authority:—'I remember writing to Richardson' said Johnson, 'from a spunging-house; and was so sure of my deliverance through his kindness and liberality, that before his reply was brought I knew I could afford to joke with the rascal who had me in custody, and did so over a pint of adulterated wine, for which at that instant I had no money to pay.' It is very likely that this anecdote has no other foundation than Johnson's second letter to Richardson, which is dated, not from a spunging-house, but from his own residence. What kind of fate awaited a man who was thrown into prison for debt is shown by the following passage in Wesley's Journal (ii. 267), dated Feb. 3, 1753:—'I visited one in the Marshalsea prison, a nursery of all manner of wickedness. O shame to man, that there should be such a place, such a picture of hell upon earth!' A few days later he writes:—'I visited as many more as I could. I found some in their cells under ground; others in their garrets, half starved both with cold and hunger, added to weakness and pain.'

[889] In a Debate on the Copyright Bill on May 16, 1774, Governor Johnstone said:—'It had been urged that Dr. Johnson had received an after gratification from the booksellers who employed him to compile his Dictionary. He had in his hand a letter from Dr. Johnson, which he read, in which the doctor denied the assertion, but declared that his employers fulfilled their bargain with him, and that he was satisfied.' Parl. Hist. xvii. 1105.

[890] He more than once attacked them. Thus in An Appeal to the Public, which he wrote for the Gent. Mag. in 1739 (Works, v. 348), he said:—'Nothing is more criminal in the opinion of many of them, than for an author to enjoy more advantage from his own works than they are disposed to allow him. This is a principle so well established among them, that we can produce some who threatened printers with their highest displeasure, for having dared to print books for those that wrote them.' In the Life of Savage (ib. viii. 132), written in 1744, he writes of the 'avarice, by which the booksellers are frequently incited to oppress that genius by which they are supported.' In the Life of Dryden (ib. vii. 299), written in 1779, he speaks of an improvement. 'The general conduct of traders was much less liberal in those times than in our own; their views were narrower, and their manners grosser. To the mercantile ruggedness of that race the delicacy of the poet was sometimes exposed.'

[891] Prayers and Meditations, p. 40 [25]. BOSWELL. Johnson wrote to Miss Boothby on Dec. 30, 1755:—'If I turn my thoughts upon myself, what do I perceive but a poor helpless being, reduced by a blast of wind to weakness and misery?... Mr. Fitzherbert sent to-day to offer me some wine; the people about me say I ought to accept it. I shall therefore be obliged to him if he will send me a bottle.' Pioszi Letters, ii. 393.

[892] Prayers and Meditations, p. 27. BOSWELL

[893] See post, April 6, 1775. Kit Smart, once a Fellow of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, ended his life in the King's Bench Prison; 'where he had owed to a small subscription, of which Dr. Burney was at the head, a miserable pittance beyond the prison allowance. In his latest letter to Dr. Burney, he passionately pleaded for a fellow-sufferer, "whom I myself," he impressively adds, "have already assisted according to my willing poverty." In another letter to the same friend he said:—"I bless God for your good nature, which please to take for a receipt."' Memoirs of Dr. Burney, i. 205, 280.

[894] In this Essay Johnson writes (Works, v. 315):—'I think there is room to question whether a great part of mankind has yet been informed that life is sustained by the fruits of the earth. I was once, indeed, provoked to ask a lady of great eminence for genius, "Whether she knew of what bread is made."'

[895] In The Universal Visiter this Essay is entitled, 'Reflections on the Present State of Literature;' and in Johnson's Works, v. 355, 'A Project for the Employment of Authors.' The whole world, he says, is turning author. Their number is so large that employment must be found for them. 'There are some reasons for which they may seem particularly qualified for a military life. They are used to suffer want of every kind; they are accustomed to obey the word of command from their patrons and their booksellers; they have always passed a life of hazard and adventure, uncertain what may be their state on the next day.... There are some whom long depression under supercilious patrons has so humbled and crushed, that they will never have steadiness to keep their ranks. But for these men there may be found fifes and drums, and they will be well enough pleased to inflame others to battle, if they are not obliged to fight themselves.'

[896] He added it also to his Life of Pope.

[897] 'This employment,' wrote Murphy (Life, p. 88), 'engrossed but little of Johnson's time. He resigned himself to indolence, took no exercise, rose about two, and then received the visits of his friends. Authors long since forgotten waited on him as their oracle, and he gave responses in the chair of criticism. He listened to the complaints, the schemes, and the hopes and fears of a crowd of inferior writers, "who," he said, in the words of Roger Ascham, "lived, men knew not how, and died obscure, men marked not when." He believed, that he could give a better history of Grub Street than any man living. His house was filled with a succession of visitors till four or five in the evening. During the whole time he presided at his tea-table.' In The Rambler, No. 145, Johnson takes the part of these inferior writers:—'a race of beings equally obscure and equally indigent, who, because their usefulness is less obvious to vulgar apprehensions, live unrewarded and die unpitied, and who have been long exposed to insult without a defender, and to censure without an apologist.'

[898] In this essay (Works, vi. 129) Johnson describes Canada as a 'region of desolate sterility,' 'a cold, uncomfortable, uninviting region, from which nothing but furs and fish were to be had.'

[899] The bill of 1756 that he considers passed through the Commons but was rejected by the Lords. It is curious as showing the comparative population of the different counties, Devonshire was to furnish 3200 men—twice as many as Lancashire. Essex, Kent, Norfolk and Suffolk were each to furnish 1920 men; Lancashire, Surrey, Sussex, and Wiltshire 1600: Durham and Bedfordshire 800. From the three Ridings of Yorkshire 4800 were to be raised. The men were to be exercised every Sunday before and after service. The Literary Magazine, p. 58.

[900] In this paper are found the forcible words, 'The desperate remedy of desperate distress,' which have been used since by orators. Ib. p. 121.

[901] Johnson considers here the war in America between the English and French, and shows a strong feeling for the natives who had been wronged by both nations. 'Such is the contest that no honest man can heartily wish success to either party.... The American dispute between the French and us is only the quarrel of two robbers for the spoils of a passenger.' The French had this in their favour, that they had treated the natives better than we. 'The favour of the Indians which they enjoy with very few exceptions among all the nations of the northern continent we ought to consider with other thoughts; this favour we might have enjoyed, if we had been careful to deserve it.' Works, vi. 114, 122.

[902] These Memoirs end with the year 1745. Johnson had intended to continue them, for he writes:—'We shall here suspend our narrative.' Ib. vi. 474.

[903] See ante, p. 221.

[904] The sentence continues:—'and produce heirs to the father's habiliments.' Ib. vi. 436. Another instance may be adduced of his Brownism in the following line:—'The war continued in an equilibration by alternate losses and advantages.' Ib 473.

[905] In a letter from the Secretary of the Tall Club in The Guardian, No. 108. 'If the fair sex look upon us with an eye of favour, we shall make some attempts to lengthen out the human figure, and restore it to its ancient procerity.'

[906] See post, March 23, 1783.

[907] 'As power is the constant and unavoidable consequence of learning, there is no reason to doubt that the time is approaching when the Americans shall in their turn have some influence on the affairs of mankind, for literature apparently gains ground among them. A library is established in Carolina and some great electrical discoveries were made at Philadelphia...The fear that the American colonies will break off their dependence on England I have always thought chimerical and vain ... They must be dependent, and if they forsake us, or be forsaken by us, must fall into the hands of France.' Literary Magazine, pp. 293, 299.

[908] Johnson, I have no doubt, wrote the Review of A True Account of Lisbon since the Earthquake, in which it is stated that the destruction was grossly exaggerated. After quoting the writer at length, he concludes:—'Such then is the actual, real situation of that place which once was Lisbon, and has been since gazetically and pamphletically quite destroyed, consumed, annihilated! Now, upon comparing this simple narration of things and facts with the false and absurd accounts which have rather insulted and imposed upon us than informed us, who but must see the enormous disproportion?... Exaggeration and the absurdities ever faithfully attached to it are inseparable attitudes of the ignorant, the empty, and the affected. Hence those eloquent tropes so familiar in every conversation, monstrously pretty, vastly little; ... hence your eminent shoe-maker, farriers, and undertakers.... It is to the same muddy source we owe the many falsehoods and absurdities we have been pestered with concerning Lisbon. Thence your extravagantly sublime figures: Lisbon is no more; can be seen no more, etc., ... with all the other prodigal effusions of bombast beyond that stretch of time or temper to enumerate. Ib. p. 22. See post, under March 30, 1778.

[909] In the original undigested.

[910] Johnson's Works, vi. 113.

[911] In the spring of 1784, after the king had taken advantage of Fox's India Bill to dismiss the Coalition Ministry. See post, March 28, 1784.

[912] In Ireland there was no act to limit the duration of parliament. One parliament sat through the whole reign of George II—thirty-three years. Dr. Lucas, a Dublin physician, in attacking other grievances, attacked also this. In 1749 he would have been elected member for Dublin, had he not, on a charge of seditious writings, been committed by the House of Commons to prison. He was to be confined, he was told, 'in the common hall of the prison among the felons.' He fled to England, which was all that the government wanted, and he practised as a physician in London. In 1761 he was restored to the liberties of the City of Dublin and was also elected one of its members. Hardy's Lord Charlemont, i. 249, 299; and Gent. Mag., xx. 58 and xxxi. 236.

[913] Boswell himself falls into this 'cant.' See post, Sept. 23, 1777.

[914] Johnson's Works, vi. II.

[915] Ib. p. 13. He vigorously attacks the style in which these 'Memoirs' are written. 'Sometimes,' he writes, 'the reader is suddenly ravished with a sonorous sentence, of which, when the noise is past, the meaning does not long remain.' Ib. p. 15.

[916] The author of Friendship in Death.

[917] In the _Lives of the Poets (Works, viii. 383) Johnson writes:—'Dr Watts was one of the first authors that taught the Dissenters to court attention by the graces of language. Whatever they had among them before, whether of learning or acuteness, was commonly obscured and blunted by coarseness and inelegance of style. He showed them that zeal and purity might be expressed and enforced by polished diction.'

[918] 'Such he [Dr. Watts] was as every Christian Church would rejoice to have adopted.' Ib. p. 380. See also post, July 7, 1777, and May 19, 1778.

[919] Johnson's Works, vi. 79.

[920] Mr. Hanway would have had the support of Johnson's father, who, as his son writes, 'considered tea as very expensive, and discouraged my mother from keeping company with the neighbours, and from paying visits or receiving them. She lived to say, many years after, that if the time were to pass again, she would not comply with such unsocial injunctions.' Account of Johnson's Early Life, p. 18. The Methodists, ten years earlier than Hanway, had declared war on tea. 'After talking largely with both the men and women Leaders,' writes Wesley, 'we agreed it would prevent great expense, as well of health as of time and of money, if the poorer people of our society could be persuaded to leave off drinking of tea.' Wesley's Journal, i. 526. Pepys, writing in 1660, says: 'I did send for a cup of tee, (a China drink) of which I never had drank before.' Pepys' Diary, i. 137. Horace Walpole (Letters, i. 224) writing in 1743 says:—'They have talked of a new duty on tea, to be paid by every housekeeper for all the persons in their families; but it will scarce be proposed. Tea is so universal, that it would make a greater clamour than a duty on wine.' In October 1734 tea was sold in London at the following prices:—Ordinary Bohca 9s. per lb. Fine Bohca 10s. to 12s. per lb. Pekoe 15s. per lb. Hyson 20s. to 25s. per lb. Gent. Mag. iv. 575.

[921] Yet in his reply to Mr. Hanway he said (Works, vi. 33):—'I allowed tea to be a barren superfluity, neither medicinal nor nutritious, that neither supplied strength nor cheerfulness, neither relieved weariness, nor exhilarated sorrow.' Cumberland writes (Memoirs, i. 357):—'I remember when Sir Joshua Reynolds at my house reminded Dr. Johnson that he had drank eleven cups, he replied: "Sir, I did not count your glasses of wine, why should you number up my cups of tea?" And then laughing in perfect good humour he added:—"Sir, I should have released the lady from any further trouble, if it had not been for your remark; but you have reminded me that I want one of the dozen, and I must request Mrs. Cumberland to round up my number."'

[922] In this Review Johnson describes himself as 'a hardened and shameless tea-drinker, who has for twenty years diluted his meals with only the infusion of this fascinating plant; whose kettle has scarcely time to cool; who with tea amuses the evening, with tea solaces the midnight, and with tea welcomes the morning.' Johnson's Works, vi. 21. That 'he never felt the least inconvenience from it' may well be doubted. His nights were almost always bad. In 1774 he recorded:—'I could not drink this day either coffee or tea after dinner. I know not when I missed before.' The next day he recorded:—'Last night my sleep was remarkably quiet. I know not whether by fatigue in walking, or by forbearance of tea.' Diary of a Journey into North Wales, Aug. 4.

[923] See post, May, 1768.

[924]

'Losing, he wins, because his name will be Ennobled by defeat who durst contend with me.'

DRYDEN, Ovid, Meta., xiii. 19.

[925] In Hanway's Essay Johnson found much to praise. Hanway often went to the root when he dealt with the evils of life. Thus he writes:—'The introducing new habits of life is the most substantial charity.' But he thus mingles sense and nonsense:—'Though tea and gin have spread their baneful influence over this island and his Majesty's other dominions, yet you may be well assured that the Governors of the Foundling Hospital will exert their utmost skill and vigilance to prevent the children under their care from being poisoned, or enervated, by one or the other.' Johnson's Works, vi. 26, 28.

[926] 'Et pourquoi tuer cet amiral? C'est, lui dit-on, parce qu'il n'a pas fait tuer assez de monde; il a livr un combat un amiral franais, et on a trouv qu'il n'tait pas assez prs de lui. Mais, dit Candide, l'amiral franais tait aussi loin de l'amiral anglais que celui-ci l'tait de l'autre. Cela est incontestable, lui rpliquat-on; mais dans ce pays-ci il est bon de tuer de temps en temps un amiral pour encourager les autres.' Candide, ch. xxiii.

[927] See post, June 3, 1781, when Boswell went to this church.

[928] Johnson reprinted this Review in a small volume by itself. See Johnson's Works, vi. 47, note.

[929]

'I have ventured, Like little wanton boys that swim on bladders, This many summers in a sea of glory, But far beyond my depth.'

Henry VIII, Act iii. sc. 2.

[930] Musical Travels through England, by Joel Collier [not Collyer], Organist, 1774. This book was written in ridicule of Dr. Burney's Travels, who, says his daughter, 'was much hurt on its first appearance.' Dr. Burney's Memoirs, i. 259.

[931] See ante, p. 223.

[932] Some time after Dr. Johnson's death there appeared in the newspapers and magazines an illiberal and petulant attack upon him, in the form of an Epitaph, under the name of Mr. Soame Jenyns, very unworthy of that gentleman, who had quietly submitted to the critical lash while Johnson lived. It assumed, as characteristicks of him, all the vulgar circumstances of abuse which had circulated amongst the ignorant. It was an unbecoming indulgence of puny resentment, at a time when he himself was at a very advanced age, and had a near prospect of descending to the grave. I was truly sorry for it; for he was then become an avowed, and (as my Lord Bishop of London, who had a serious conversation with him on the subject, assures me) a sincere Christian. He could not expect that Johnson's numerous friends would patiently bear to have the memory of their master stigmatized by no mean pen, but that, at least, one would be found to retort. Accordingly, this unjust and sarcastick Epitaph was met in the same publick field by an answer, in terms by no means soft, and such as wanton provocation only could justify:

'EPITAPH,

'Prepared for a creature not quite dead yet.

'Here lies a little ugly nauseous elf, Who judging only from its wretched self, Feebly attempted, petulant and vain, The "Origin of Evil" to explain. A mighty Genius at this elf displeas'd, With a strong critick grasp the urchin squeez'd. For thirty years its coward spleen it kept, Till in the duat the mighty Genius slept; Then stunk and fretted in expiring snuff, And blink'd at JOHNSON with its last poor puff.'

BOSWELL.

The epitaph is very likely Boswell's own. For Jenyns's conversion see post, April 12 and 15, 1778.

[933] Mr. John Payne, afterwards chief accountant of the Bank, one of the four surviving members of the Ivy Lane Club who dined together in 1783. See Hawkins's Johnson, pp. 220, 563; and post, December, 1783.

[934] See post, under March 19, 1776.

[935] 'He said, "I am sorry I have not learnt to play at cards. It is very useful in life; it generates kindness and consolidates society."' Boswell's Hebrides, Nov. 21, 1773.

[936] Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, 3d edit. p. 48. [Aug. 19.] BOSWELL.

[937] Johnson's Works, p. 435.

[938] He was paid at the rate of a little over twopence a line. For this Introduction see Ib. 206.

[939] See post, Oct. 26, 1769.

[940] See post, April 5, 1775.

[941] In 1740 he set apart the yearly sum of 100 to be distributed, by way of premium, to the authors of the best inventions, &c., in Ireland. Chalmers's Biog. Dict.

[942] Boulter's Monument. A Panegyrical Poem, sacred to the memory of that great and excellent prelate and patriot, the Most Reverend Dr. Hugh Boulter; Late Lord-Archbishop of Ardmagh, and Primate of All Ireland. Dublin, 1745. Such lines as the following might well have been blotted, but of them the poem is chiefly formed:—

'My peaceful song in lays instructive paints The first of mitred peers and Britain's saints.' p. 2. 'Ha! mark! what gleam is that which paints the air? The blue serene expands! Is Boulter there?' p. 88.

The poet addresses Boulter's successor Hoadley, who he says,

'Shall equal him; while, like Elisha, you Enjoy his spirit, and his mantle too.' p. 89.

A note to mantle says 'Alluding to the metropolitan pallium.'

Boulter is the bishop in Pope's lines, (Prologue to the Satires, 1. 99):—

'Does not one table Bavius still admit?

'Still to one bishop Philips seem a wit?'

Pattison's Pope's Satires, p. 107. In the Life of Addison, Johnson mentioning Dr. Madden adds:—'a name which Ireland ought to honour.' Johnson's Works, vii. 455.

[943] See ante, p. 175. Hawkins writes (Life, p. 363):—'I congratulated him length, on his being now engaged in a work that suited his genius. His answer was:—"I look upon this as I did upon the Dictionary; it is all work, and my inducement to it is not love or desire of fame, but the want of money, which is the only motive to writing that I know of."'

[944] They have been reprinted by Mr. Malone, in the Preface to his edition of Shakspeare. BOSWELL.

[945] At Christmas, 1757, he said that he should publish about March, 1758 (post, Dec. 24, 1757). When March came he said that he should publish before summer (post, March 1, 1758).

[946] In what Johnson says of Pope's slow progress in translating the Iliad, he had very likely his own case in view. 'Indolence, interruption, business, and pleasure all take their turns of retardation; and every long work is lengthened by a thousand causes that can, and ten thousand that cannot be recounted. Perhaps no extensive and multifarious performance was ever effected within the term originally fixed in the undertaker's mind. He that runs against time has an antagonist not subject to casualties.' Johnson's Works, viii. 255. In Prior's Goldsmith (i. 238) we have the following extracts from letters written by Grainger (post, March 21, 1776) to Dr. Percy:—'June 27, 1758. I have several times called on Johnson to pay him part of your subscription [for his edition of Shakespeare]. I say, part, because he never thinks of working if he has a couple of guineas in his pocket; but if you notwithstanding order me, the whole shall be given him at once.' 'July 20, 1758. As to his Shakespeare, movet sed non promovet. I shall feed him occasionally with guineas.'

[947] Hawkins (Life, p. 440) says that 'Reynolds and some other of his friends, who were more concerned for his reputation than himself seemed to be, contrived to entangle him by a wager, or some other pecuniary engagement, to perform his task by a certain time.' Just as Johnson was oppressed by the engagement that he had made to edit Shakespeare, so was Cowper by his engagement to edit Milton. 'The consciousness that there is so much to do and nothing done is a burthen I am not able to bear. Milton especially is my grievance, and I might almost as well be haunted by his ghost, as goaded with such continual reproaches for neglecting him.' Southey's Cowper, vii. 163.

[948] From The Ghost, Bk. iii. 1. 801. Boswell makes two slight errors in quoting: 'You cash' should be 'their cash; and 'you know' should be 'we know.'

[949] See post, April 17, 1778.

[950] Mrs. Thrale writing to him in 1777, says:—'You would rather be sick in London than well in the country.' Piozzi Letters. i. 394. Yet Johnson, when he could afford to travel, spent far more time in the country than is commonly thought. Moreover a great part of each summer from 1766 to 1782 inclusive he spent at Streatham.

[951] The motto to this number

'Steriles nec legit arenas, Ut caneret paucis, mersitque hoc pulvere verum.'

(Lucan).

Johnson has thus translated:—

'Canst thou believe the vast eternal mind Was e'er to Syrts and Libyan sands confin'd? That he would choose this waste, this barren ground, To teach the thin inhabitants around, And leave his truth in wilds and deserts drown'd?'

[952] It was added to the January number of 1758, but it was dropped in the following numbers.

[953] According to the note in the Gent. Mag. the speech was delivered 'at a certain respectable talking society.' The chairman of the meeting is addressed as Mr. President. The speech is vigorously written and is, I have no doubt, by Johnson. 'It is fit,' the speaker says, 'that those whom for the future we shall employ and pay may know they are the servants of a people that expect duty for their money. It is said an address expresses some distrust of the king, or may tend to disturb his quiet. An English king, Mr. President, has no great right to quiet when his people are in misery.'

[954] See post, May 19, 1777.

[955] See post, March 21, 1772.

[956] 'I have often observed with wonder, that we should know less of Ireland than of any other country in Europe.' Temple's Works, iii. 82.

[957] The celebrated oratour, Mr. Flood has shewn himself to be of Dr. Johnson's opinion; having by his will bequeathed his estate, after the death of his wife Lady Frances, to the University of Dublin; 'desiring that immediately after the said estate shall come into their possession, they shall appoint two professors, one for the study of the native Erse or Irish language, and the other for the study of Irish antiquities and Irish history, and for the study of any other European language illustrative of, or auxiliary to, the study of Irish antiquities or Irish history; and that they shall give yearly two liberal premiums for two compositions, one in verse, and the other in prose, in the Irish language.' BOSWELL.

[958] Dr. T. Campbell records in his Diary of a Visit to England (p. 62), that at the dinner at Messieurs Dilly's (post, April 5, 1775) he 'ventured to say that the first professors of Oxford, Paris, &c., were Irish. "Sir," says Johnson, "I believe there is something in what you say, and I am content with it, since they are not Scotch."'

[959] 'On Mr. Thrale's attack of apoplexy in 1779, Johnson wrote to Mrs. Thrale:—'I remember Dr. Marsigli, an Italian physician, whose seizure was more violent than Mr. Thrale's, for he fell down helpless, but his case was not considered as of much danger, and he went safe home, and is now a professor at Padua.' Piozzi Letters, ii. 48.

[960] 'Now, or late, Vice-Chancellor.' WARTON.—BOSWELL. He was Vice-Chancellor when Johnson's degree was conferred (ante, p. 282), but his term of office had now come to an end.

[961] 'Mr. Warton was elected Professor of Poetry at Oxford in the preceding year.' WARTON.-BOSWELL.

[962] 'Miss Jones lived at Oxford, and was often of our parties. She was a very ingenious poetess, and published a volume of poems; and, on the whole, was a most sensible, agreeable, and amiable woman. She was a sister to the Reverend River Jones, Chanter of Christ Church Cathedral at Oxford, and Johnson used to call her the Chantress. I have heard him often address her in this passage from Il Penseroso:

"Thee, Chantress, oft the woods among I woo," etc.

She died unmarried.' WHARTON

[963] Tom. iii. p. 482. BOSWELL.

[964] Of Shakspeare. BOSWELL.

[965] This letter is misdated. It was written in Jan. 1759, and not in 1758. Johnson says that he is forty-nine. In Jan. 1758 he was forty-eight. He mentions the performance of Cleane, which was at the end of 1758; and he says that 'Murphy is to have his Orphan of China acted next month.' It was acted in the spring of 1759.

[966] Juvenal, Sat. iii. 1.

'Though grief and fondness in my breast rebel, When injured Thales bids the town farewell, Yet still my calmer thoughts his choice commend, I praise the hermit, but regret the friend; Resolved at length from vice and London far To breathe in distant fields a purer air, And fixed on Cambria's solitary shore Give to St. David one true Briton more.'

Johnson's London, l. 1.

[967] Mr. Garrick. BOSWELL.

[968] Mr. Dodsley, the Authour of Cleone. BOSWELL. Garrick, according to Davies, had rejected Dodsley's Cleone, 'and had termed it a cruel, bloody, and unnatural play.' Davies's Garrick, i. 223. Johnson himself said of it:—'I am afraid there is more blood than brains.' Post, 1780, in Mr. Langton's Collection. The night it was brought out at Covent Garden, Garrick appeared for the first time as Marplot in the Busy Body at Drury Lane. The next morning he wrote to congratulate Dodsley on his success, and asked him at the same time to let him know how he could support his interest without absolutely giving up his own. To this Dodsley returned a cold reply. Garrick wrote back as follows:—

'Master Robert Dodsley,

When I first read your peevish answer to my well-meant proposal to you, I was much disturbed at it—but when I considered, that some minds cannot bear the smallest portion of success, I most sincerely pitied you; and when I found in the same letter, that you were graciously pleased to dismiss me from your acquaintance, I could not but confess so apparent an obligation, and am with due acknowledgements,

Master Robert Dodsley,

Your most obliged

David Garrick.'

Garrick Corres., i. 80 (where the letters that passed are wrongly dated 1757). Mrs. Bellamy in her Life (iii. 109) says that on the evening of the performance she was provoked by something that Dodsley said, 'which,' she continues, 'made me answer that good man with a petulance which afterwards gave me uneasiness. I told him that I had a reputation to lose as an actress; but, as for his piece, Mr. Garrick had anticipated the damnation of it publicly, the preceding evening, at the Bedford Coffee-house, where he had declared that it could not pass muster, as it was the very worst piece ever exhibited.' Shenstone (Works, iii. 288) writing five weeks after the play was brought out, says:—'Dodsley is now going to print his fourth edition. He sold 2000 of his first edition the very first day he published it.' The price was eighteen-pence.

[969] Mrs. Bellamy (Life, iii. 108) says that Johnson was present at the last rehearsal. 'When I came to repeat, "Thou shalt not murder," Dr. Johnson caught me by the arm, and that somewhat too briskly, saying, at the same time, "It is a commandment, and must be spoken, Thou shalt not murder." As I had not then the honour of knowing personally that great genius, I was not a little displeased at his inforcing his instructions with so much vehemence.' The next night she heard, she says, amidst the general applause, 'the same voice which had instructed me in the commandment, exclaim aloud from the pit, "I will write a copy of verses upon her myself." I knew that my success was insured.' See post, May 11, 1783.

[970] Dodsley had published his London and his Vanity of Human Wishes (ante, pp. 124, 193), and had had a large share in the Dictionary, (ante, p. 183).

[971] It is to this that Churchill refers in the following lines:—

'Let them [the Muses] with Glover o'er Medea doze; Let them with Dodsley wail Cleone's woes, Whilst he, fine feeling creature, all in tears, Melts as they melt, and weeps with weeping Peers.'

The Journey. Poems, ii. 328.

[972] See post p. 350, note.

[973] Mr. Samuel Richardson, authour of Clarissa. BOSWELL.

[974] In 1753 when in Devonshire he charged five guineas a head (Taylor's Reynolds, i. 89); shortly afterwards, when he removed to London, twelve guineas (ib. p. 101); in 1764, thirty guineas; for a whole length 150 guineas (ib. p. 224). Northcote writes that 'he sometimes has lamented the being interrupted in his work by idle visitors, saying, "those persons do not consider that my time is worth to me five guineas an hour."' Northcote's Reynolds, i. 83.

[975] 'Miss Reynolds at first amused herself by painting miniature portraits, and in that part of the art was particularly successful. In her attempts at oil-painting, however, she did not succeed, which made Reynolds say jestingly, that her pictures in that way made other people laugh and him cry; and as he did not approve of her painting in oil, she generally did it by stealth.' Ib. ii. 160.

[976] Murphy was far from happy. The play was not produced till April; by the date of Johnson's letter, he had not by any means reached the end of what he calls 'the first, and indeed, the last, disagreeable controversy that he ever had with Mr. Garrick.' Murphy's Garrick, p. 213.

[977] This letter was an answer to one in which was enclosed a draft for the payment of some subscriptions to his Shakspeare. BOSWELL.

[978] In the Preface he says:—(Works, v. 52) 'I have not passed over with affected superiority what is equally difficult to the reader and to myself, but where I could not instruct him, have owned my ignorance.'

[979] Northcote gives the following account of this same garret in describing how Reynolds introduced Roubiliac to Johnson. 'Johnson received him with much civility, and took them up into a garret, which he considered as his library; where, besides his books, all covered with dust, there was an old crazy deal table, and a still worse and older elbow chair, having only three legs. In this chair Johnson seated himself, after having, with considerable dexterity and evident practice, first drawn it up against the wall, which served to support it on that side on which the leg was deficient.' Northcote's Reynolds, i. 75. Miss Reynolds improves on the account. She says that 'before Johnson had the pension he literally dressed like a beggar; and, from what I have been told, he as literally lived as such; at least as to common conveniences in his apartments, wanting even a chair to sit on, particularly in his study, where a gentleman who frequently visited him, whilst writing his Idlers, constantly found him at his desk, sitting on one with three legs; and on rising from it, he remarked that Dr. Johnson never forgot its defect, but would either hold it in his hand, or place it with great composure against some support, taking no notice of its imperfection to his visitor. It was remarkable in Johnson, that no external circumstances ever prompted him to make any apology, or to seem even sensible of their existence.' Croker's Boswell, p. 832. There can be little question that she is describing the same room—a room in a house in which Miss Williams was lodged, and most likely Mr. Levet, and in which Mr. Burney dined; and in which certainly there must have been chairs. Yet Mr. Carlyle, misled by her account, says:—'In his apartments, at one time, there were unfortunately no chairs.' Carlyle's Miscellanies, ed. 1872, iv. 127.

[980] In his Life of Pope (Works, viii. 272) Johnson calls Theobald 'a man of heavy diligence, with very slender powers.' In the Preface to Shakspeare he admits that 'what little he did was commonly right.' Ib. v. 137. The Editors of the Cambridge Shakespeare on the other hand say:—'Theobald, as an Editor, is incomparably superior to his predecessors, and to his immediate successor Warburton, although the latter had the advantage of working on his materials. Many most brilliant emendations are due to him.' On Johnson's statement that 'Warburton would make two-and-fifty Theobalds, cut into slices,' they write:—'From this judgment, whether they be compared as critics or editors, we emphatically dissent.' Cambridge Shakespeare, i., xxxi., xxxiv., note. Among Theobald's 'brilliant emendations' are 'a'babbled of green fields' (Henry V, ii. 3), and 'lackeying the varying tide.' (Antony and Cleopatra, i.4).

[981] 'A familiar epistle [by Lord Bolingbroke] to the most impudent man living, 1749.' Brit. Mus. Catal.

[982] 'Mallet, by address or accident, perhaps by his dependence on the prince [of Wales], found his way to Bolingbroke, a man whose pride and petulance made his kindness difficult to gain or keep, and whom Mallet was content to court by an act, which, I hope, was unwillingly performed. When it was found that Pope had clandestinely printed an unauthorised number of the pamphlet called The Patriot King, Bolingbroke, in a fit of useless fury, resolved to blast his memory, and employed Mallet (1749) as the executioner of his vengeance. Mallet had not virtue, or had not spirit, to refuse the office; and was rewarded not long after with the legacy of Lord Bolingbroke's works.' Johnson's Works, viii. 467. See ante, p. 268, and Walpole's Letters, ii. 159.

[983] A View of Lord Bolingbroke's Philosophy in Four Letters to a Friend, 1754-5.

[984] A paper under this name had been started seven years earlier. See Carter and Talbot Corres., ii. 33.

[985] In the two years in which Johnson wrote for this paper it saw many changes. The first Idler appeared in No. 2 of the Universal Chronicle or Weekly Gazette, which was published not by Newbery, but by J. Payne. On April 29, this paper took the title of Payne's Universal Chronicle, etc. On Jan. 6, 1759, it resumed the old title and was published by R. Stevens. On Jan. 5, 1760, the title was changed to The Universal Chronicle and Westminster Journal, and it was published by W. Faden and R. Stevens. On March 15, 1760, it was published by R. Stevens alone. The paper consisted of eight pages. The Idler, which varied in length, came first, and was printed in larger characters, much like a leading article. The changes in title and ownership seem to show that in spite of Johnson's contributions it was not a successful publication.

[986] 'Those papers may be considered as a kind of syllabus of all Reynolds's future discourses, and certainly occasioned him some thinking in their composition. I have heard him say, that Johnson required them from him on a sudden emergency, and on that account, he sat up the whole night to complete them in time; and by it he was so much disordered, that it produced a vertigo in his head.' Northcote's Reynolds, i. 89, Reynolds must have spoken of only one paper; as the three, appearing as they did on Sept. 29, Oct. 20, and Nov. 10, could not have been required at one time.

[987] 'To be idle and to be poor have always been reproaches, and therefore every man endeavours with his utmost care to hide his poverty from others, and his idleness from himself.' The Idler, No. 17.

[988] Prayers and Meditations, p. 30 [36], BOSWELL.

[989] In July, 1759.

[990] This number was published a few days after his mother's death. It is in the form of a letter, which is thus introduced:-'The following letter relates to an affliction perhaps not necessary to be imparted to the publick; but I could not persuade myself to suppress it, because I think I know the sentiments to be sincere, and I feel no disposition to provide for this day any other entertainment.'

[991] In the table of contents the title of No. 58 is, 'Expectations of pleasure frustrated.' In the original edition of The Idler no titles are given. In this paper he shews that 'nothing is more hopeless than a scheme of merriment.'

[992] In this paper he begins by considering, 'why the only thinking being of this globe is doomed to think merely to be wretched, and to pass his time from youth to age in fearing or in suffering calamities.' He ends by asserting that 'of what virtue there is, misery produces far the greater part.'

[993] 'There are few things,' he writes, 'not purely evil, of which we can say, without some emotion of uneasiness, this is the last.... The secret horrour of the last is inseparable from a thinking being, whose life is limited, and to whom death is dreadful.'

[994] 'I asked him one day, why the Idlers were published without mottoes. He replied, that it was forborne the better to conceal himself, and escape discovery. "But let us think of some now," said he, "for the next edition. We can fit the two volumnes in two hours, can't we?" Accordingly he recollected, and I wrote down these following (nine mottoes) till come friend coming in, in about five minutes, put an end to our further progress on the subject.' Piossi Letters, ii. 388.

[995] See post, July 14 and 26, 1763, April 14, 1775, and Aug. 2, 1784, note for instances in which Johnson ridicules the notion that weather and seasons have any necessary effect on man; also April 17, 1778. In the Life of Milton (Works. vii. 102), he writes:—'this dependence of the soul upon the seasons, those temporary and periodical ebbs and flows of intellect, may, I suppose, justly be derided as the fumes of vain imagination. Sapiens dominabitur astro. The author that thinks himself weather-bound will find, with a little help from hellebore, that he is only idle or exhausted. But while this notion has possession of the head, it produces the inability with it supposes. Our powers owe much of their energy to our hopes; possunt quin posse vidertur.' Boswell records, in his Hebrides (Aug. 16, 1773), that when 'somebody talked of happy moments for composition,' Johnson said:—'Nay, a man may write at any time, if he will set himself doggedly to it.' Reynolds, who Alas! avowed how much he had learnt from Johnson (ante, p. 245), says much the same in his Seventh Discourse: 'But when, in plain prose, we gravely talk of courting the Muse in shady bowers; waiting the call and inspiration of Genius ... of attending to times and seasons when the imagination shoots with the greatest vigour, whether at the summer solstice or the vernal equinox ... when we talk such language or entertain such sentiments as these, we generally rest contented with mere words, or at best entertain notions not only groundless but pernicious.' Reynolds's Works, i. 150. On the other hand, in 1773 Johnson recorded:—'Between Easter and Whitsuntide, having always considered that time as propitious to study, I attempted to learn the Low-Dutch language.' Post, under May 9, 1773. In The Rambler, No. 80, he says:—'To the men of study and imagination the winter is generally the chief time of labour. Gloom and silence produce composure of mind and concentration of ideas.' In a letter to Mrs. Thrale, written in 1775, he says:—'Most men have their bright and their Cloudy days, at least they have days when they put their powers into act, and days when they suffer them to repose.' Piozzi Letters, i. 265. In 1781 he wrote:—'I thought myself above assistance or obstruction from the seasons; but find the autumnal blast sharp and nipping, and the fading world an uncomfortable prospect.' Ib. ii. 220. Again, in the last year of his life he wrote:—'The: weather, you know, has not been balmy. I am now reduced to think, and am at least content to talk, of the weather. Pride must have a fall.' Post, Aug. 2, 1784.

[996] Addison's Cato, act i. sc. 4.

[997] Johnson, reviewing the Duchess of Marlborough's attack on Queen Mary, says (Works, vi. 8):—'This is a character so different from all those that have been hitherto given of this celebrated princess, that the reader stands in suspense, till he considers that ... it has hitherto had this great advantage, that it has only been compared with those of kings.'

[998] Johnson had explained how it comes to pass that Englishmen talk so commonly of the weather. He continues:—'Such is the reason of our practice; and who shall treat it with contempt? Surely not the attendant on a court, whose business is to watch the looks of a being weak and foolish as himself, and whose vanity is to recount the names of men, who might drop into nothing, and leave no vacuity.... The weather is a nobler and more interesting subject; it is the present state of the skies and of the earth, on which plenty and famine are suspended, on which millions depend for the necessaries of life.' 'Garrick complained that when he went to read before the court, not a look or a murmur testified approbation; there was a profound stillness—every one only watched to see what the king thought.' Hazlitt's Conversations of Northcote, p. 262.

[999] The Idler, No. 90. See post, April 3, 1773, where he declaims against action in public speaking.

[1000] He now and then repeats himself. Thus, in The Idler, No. 37, he moralises on the story, how Socrates, passing through the fair at Athens, cried out:—'How many things are here which I do not need!' though he had already moralised on it in the Adventurer, Nos. 67, 119.

[1001] No. 34.

[1002] Poems on Several Occasions, by Thomas Blacklock, p. 179. See post, Aug. 5, 1763, and Boswell's Hebrides, Aug. 17, 1773.

[1003] 'Among the papers of Newbery, in the possession of Mr. Murray, is the account rendered on the collection of The Idler into two small volumes, when the arrangement seems to have been that Johnson should receive two-thirds of the profits.

The Idler.

'DR. . s. d. Paid for Advertising.. 20 0 6 Printing two vols., 1,500 41 13 0 Paper. . . . . . . 52 3 0 * * * * * 113 16 6 Profit on the edition . 126 3 6 * * * * * 240 0 0 * * * * * 'CR. . s. d. 1,500 Sets at 16 per 100 240 0 0 * * * * * Dr. Johnson two-thirds 84 2 4 Mr. Newbery one-third. 42 1 2 * * * * * 126 3 6 * * * * *

Forster's Goldsmith, i. 204.

If this account is correctly printed, the sale must have been slow. The first edition (2 vols. 5s.) was published in Oct. 1761, (Gent. Mag. xxxi. 479). Johnson is called Dr. in the account; but he was not made an LL.D. till July 1765. Prior, in his Life of Goldsmith (i. 459), publishes an account between Goldsmith and Newbery in which the first entry is:—

'1761. Oct. 14, 1 set of The Idler. . . . . 0 50 0.'

Johnson, as Newbery's papers show, a year later bought a copy of Goldsmith's Life of Nash; ib. p. 405.

[1004] See ante, p. 306.

[1005] This paper may be found in Stockdale's supplemental volume of Johnson's Miscellaneous Pieces. BOSWELL. Stockdale's supplemental volumes—for there are two—are vols. xii. and xiii. of what is known as 'Hawkins's edition.' In this paper (Works, iv. 450) he represents in a fable two vultures speculating on that mischievous being, man, 'who is the only beast who kills that which he does not devour,' who at times is seen to move in herds, while 'there is in every herd one that gives directions to the rest, and seems to be more eminently delighted with a wide carnage.'

[1006] 'Receipts for Shakespeare.' WARTON.—BOSWELL.

[1007] 'Then of Lincoln College. Now Sir Robert Chambers, one of the Judges in India.' WARTON.—BOSWELL.

[1008] Old Mr. Langton's niece. See post, July 14, 1763.

[1009] 'Mr. Langton.' WARTON.—BOSWELL.

[1010] Boswell records:—'Lady Di Beauclerk told me that Langton had never been to see her since she came to Richmond, his head was so full of the militia and Greek. "Why," said I, "Madam, he is of such a length he is awkward and not easily moved." "But," said she, "if he had lain himself at his length, his feet had been in London, and his head might have been here eodem die."' Boswelliana, p. 297.

[1011] 'Part of the impression of the Shakespeare, which Dr. Johnson conducted alone, and published by subscription. This edition came out in 1765.' WARTON.—BOSWELL.

[1012] Stockdale records (Memoirs, ii. 191), that after he had entered on his charge as domestic tutor to Lord Craven's son, he called on Johnson, who asked him how he liked his place. On his hesitating to answer, he said: 'You must expect insolence.' He added that in his youth he had entertained great expectations from a powerful family. "At length," he said, "I found that their promises, and consequently my expectations, vanished into air.... But, Sir, they would have treated me much worse, if they had known that motives from which I paid my court to them were purely selfish, and what opinion I had formed of them." He added, that since he knew mankind, he had not, on any occasion, been the sport of such delusion and that he had never been disappointed by anyone but himself.'

[1013] This, and some of the other letters to Langton, were not received by Boswell till the first volume of the second edition had been carried through the press. He gave them as a supplement to the second volume. The date of this letter was there wrongly given as June 27, 1758. In the third edition it was corrected. Nevertheless the letter was misplaced as if the wrong date were the right one. Langton, as I have shewn (ante, p. 247), subscribed the articles at Oxford on July 7, 1757. He must have come into residence, as Johnson did (ante, p. 58), some little while before this subscription.

[1014] Major-General Alexander Dury, of the first regiment of foot-guards, who fell in the gallant discharge of his duty, near St. Cas, in the well-known unfortunate expedition against France, in 1758. His lady and Mr. Langton's mother was sisters. He left an only son, Lieutenant-Colonel Dury, who has a company in the same regiment. BOSWELL. The expedition had been sent against St. Malo early in September. Failing in the attempt, the land forces retreated to St. Cas, where, while embarking, they were attacked by the French. About 400 of our soldiers were made prisoners, and 600 killed and wounded. Ann. Reg.i.68.

[1015] See post, 1770, in Dr. Maxwell's Collectanea.

[1016] Hawkins's Life of Johnson, p. 365. BOSWELL. 'In the beginning of the year 1759 an event happened for which it might be imagined he was well prepared, the death of his mother, who had attained the age of ninety; but he, whose mind had acquired no firmness by the contemplation of mortality, was as little able to sustain the shock, as he would have been had this loss befallen him in his nonage.'

[1017] We may apply to Johnson in his behaviour to his mother what he said of Pope in his behaviour to his parents:—'Whatever was his pride, to them he was obedient; and whatever was his irritability, to them he was gentle. Life has among its soothing and quiet comforts few things better to give than such a son.' Johnson's Works, viii. 281. In The Idler of January 27, 1759 (No. 41), Johnson shews his grief for his loss. 'The last year, the last day must come. It has come, and is past. The life which made my own life pleasant is at an end, and the gates of death are shut upon my prospects.... Such is the condition of our present existence that life must one time lose its associations, and every inhabitant of the earth must walk downward to the grave alone and unregarded, without any partner of his joy or grief, without any interested witness of his misfortunes or success. Misfortune, indeed, he may yet feel; for where is the bottom of the misery of man? But what is success to him that has none to enjoy it? Happiness is not found in self-contemplation; it is perceived only when it is reflected from another.' In Rasselas (ch. xlv.) he makes a sage say with a sigh:—'Praise is to have an old man an empty sound. I have neither mother to be delighted with the reputation of her son, nor wife to partake the honours of her husband.' He here says once more what he had already said in his Letter to Lord Chesterfield (ante, p. 261), and in the Preface to the Dictionary (ante, p. 297).

[1018] Writing to his Birmingham friend, Mr. Hector, on Oct. 7, 1756, he said:—'I have been thinking every month of coming down into the country, but every month has brought its hinderances. From that kind of melancholy indisposition which I had when we lived together at Birmingham I have never been free, but have always had it operating against my health and my life with more or less violence. I hope however to see all my friends, all that are remaining, in no very long time.' Notes and Queries, 6th S. iii. 301. No doubt his constant poverty and the need that he was under of making 'provision for the day that was passing over him' had had much to do in keeping him from a journey to Lichfield. A passage in one of his letters shews that fourteen years later the stage-coach took twenty-six hours in going from London to Lichfield. (Piozzi Letters, i. 55.) The return journey was very uncertain; for 'our carriages,' he wrote, 'are only such as pass through the place sometimes full and sometimes vacant.' A traveller had to watch for a place (ib. p. 51). As measured by time London was, in 1772, one hour farther from Lichfield than it now is from Marseilles. It is strange, when we consider the long separation between Johnson and his mother, that in Rasselas, written just after her death, he makes Imlac say:-'There is such communication [in Europe] between distant places, that one friend can hardly be said to be absent from another.' Rasselas, chap, xi. His step-daughter, Miss Porter, though for many years she was well off, had never been to London. Post, March 23, 1776. Nay, according to Horace Walpole (Memoirs of the Reign of George III, iv. 327), 'George III. had never seen the sea, nor ever been thirty miles from London at the age of thirty-four.'

[1019] For the letters written at this time by Johnson to his mother and Miss Porter, see Appendix B.

[1020] _Rasselas_ was published in two volumes, duodecimo, and was sold for five shillings. It was reviewed in the _Gent. Mag_. for April, and was no doubt published in that month. In a letter to Miss Porter dated March 23, 1759 (See Appendix), Johnson says:—'I am going to publish a little story-book, which I will send you when it is out.' I may here remark that the _Gent. Mag_. was published at the end of the month, or even later. Thus the number for April, 1759, contains news as late as April 30. The name _Rasselas_ Johnson got from Lobo's _Voyage to Abyssinia_. On p. 102 of that book he mentions 'Rassela Christos, Lieutenant-General to _Abysinia; Sultan Segued.' On p. 262 he explains the meaning of the first part of the word:—'There is now a Generalissimo established under the title of _Ras_, or _Chief_.' The title still exists. Colonel Gordon mentions Ras Arya and Ras Aloula. The Rev. W. West, in his _Introduction to Rasselas_, p. xxxi (Sampson Low and Co.), says:—'The word _Ras_, which is common to the Amharic, Arabic, and Hebrew tongues, signifies a _head_, and hence a prince, chief, or captain.... Sela Christos means either "Picture of Christ," or "For the sake of Christ."'

[1021] Hawkins's Johnson, p. 367.

[1022] See post, June 2, 1781. Finding it then accidentally in a chaise with Mr. Boswell, he read it eagerly. This was doubtless long after his declaration to Sir Joshua Reynolds. MALONE.

[1023] Baretti told Malone that 'Johnson insisted on part of the money being paid immediately, and accordingly received 70. Any other person with the degree of reputation he then possessed would have got 400 for that work, but he never understood the art of making the most of his productions.' Prior's Malone, p. 160. Some of the other circumstances there related by Baretti are not correct.

[1024] Hawkesworth received 6000 for his revision of Cook's Voyages; post, May 7, 1773.

[1025] See post, March 4, 1773.

[1026] Ecclesiastes, i. 14.

[1027] See post, May 16, 1778. It should seem that Candide was published in the latter half of February 1759. Grimm in his letter of March 1, speaks of its having just appeared. 'M. de Voltaire vient de nous gayer par un petit roman.' He does not mention it in his previous letter of Feb. 15. Grimm, Carres. Lit. (edit. 1829), ii. 296. Johnson's letter to Miss Porter, quoted in the Appendix, shows that Rasselas was written before March 23; how much earlier cannot be known. Candide is in the May list of books in the Gent. Mag. (pp. 233-5), price 2s. 6d., and with it two translations, each price 1s. 6d.

[1028] See post, June 13, 1763.

[1029] In the original,—'which, perhaps, prevails.' Rasselas, ch. xxxi.

[1030] This is the second time that Boswell puts 'morbid melancholy' in quotation marks (ante, p. 63). Perhaps he refers to a passage in Hawkins's Johnson (p. 287), where the author speaks of Johnson's melancholy as 'this morbid affection, as he was used to call it.'

[1031] 'Perfect through sufferings.' Hebrews, ii. 10.

[1032] Perhaps the reference is to the conclusion of Le Monde comme il va:—'Il rsolut ... de laisser aller le monde comme il va; car, dit il, si tout riest pas bien, tout est passable.'

[1033] Gray, On a Distant Prospect of Eton College.

[1034] Johnson writing to Mrs. Thrale said:—'Vivite lacti is one of the great rules of health.' Piozzi Letters, ii. 55. 'It was the motto of a bishop very eminent for his piety and good works in King Charles the Second's reign, Inservi Deo et laetare—"Serve God and be cheerful."' Addison's Freeholder, No. 45.

[1035] Literary and Moral Character of Dr. Johnson. BOSWELL.

[1036] This paper was in such high estimation before it was collected into volumes, that it was seized on with avidity by various publishers of news-papers and magazines, to enrich their publications. Johnson, to put a stop to this unfair proceeding, wrote for the Universal Chronicle the following advertisement; in which there is, perhaps, more pomp of words than the occasion demanded:

'London, January 5, 1759. ADVERTISEMENT. The proprietors of the paper intitled The Idler, having found that those essays are inserted in the news-papers and magazines with so little regard to justice or decency, that the Universal Chronicle, in which they first appear, is not always mentioned, think it necessary to declare to the publishers of those collections, that however patiently they have hitherto endured these injuries, made yet more injurious by contempt, they have now determined to endure them no longer. They have already seen essays, for which a very large price is paid, transferred, with the most shameless rapacity, into the weekly or monthly compilations, and their right, at least for the present, alienated from them, before they could themselves be said to enjoy it. But they would not willingly be thought to want tenderness, even for men by whom no tenderness hath been shewn. The past is without remedy, and shall be without resentment. But those who have been thus busy with their sickles in the fields of their neighbours, are henceforward to take notice, that the time of impunity is at an end. Whoever shall, without our leave, lay the hand of rapine upon our papers, is to expect that we shall vindicate our due, by the means which justice prescribes, and which are warranted by the immemorial prescriptions of honourable trade. We shall lay hold, in our turn, on their copies, degrade them from the pomp of wide margin and diffuse typography, contract them into a narrow space, and sell them at an humble price; yet not with a view of growing rich by confiscations, for we think not much better of money got by punishment than by crimes. We shall, therefore, when our losses are repaid, give what profit shall remain to the Magdalens; for we know not who can be more properly taxed for the support of penitent prostitutes, than prostitutes in whom there yet appears neither penitence nor shame.' BOSWELL.

[1037] I think that this letter belongs to a later date, probably to 1765 or 1766. As we learn, post, April 10, 1776, Simpson was a barrister 'who fell into a dissipated course of life.' On July 2, 1765, Johnson records that he repaid him ten guineas which he had borrowed in the lifetime of Mrs. Johnson (his wife). He also lent him ten guineas more. If it was in 1759 that Simpson was troubled by small debts, it is most unlikely that Johnson let six years more pass without repaying him a loan which even then was at least of seven years' standing. Moreover, in this letter Johnson writes:—'I have been invited, or have invited myself, to several parts of the kingdom.' The only visits, it seems, that he paid between 1754-1762 were to Oxford in 1759 and to Lichfield in the winter of 1761-2. After 1762, when his pension gave him means, he travelled frequently. Besides all this, he says of his step-daughter:— 'I will not incommode my dear Lucy by coming to Lichfield, while her present lodging is of any use to her.' Miss Porter seems to have lived in his house till she had built one for herself. Though his letter to her of Jan. 10, 1764 (Croker's Boswell, p. 163), shews that it was then building, yet she had not left his house on Jan. 14, 1766 (ib. p. 173).

'To JOSEPH SIMPSON, ESQ.

'DEAR SIR,

'Your father's inexorability not only grieves but amazes me[1038]: he is your father; he was always accounted a wise man; nor do I remember any thing to the disadvantage of his good-nature; but in his refusal to assist you there is neither good-nature, fatherhood, nor wisdom. It is the practice of good-nature to overlook faults which have already, by the consequences, punished the delinquent. It is natural for a father to think more favourably than others of his children; and it is always wise to give assistance while a little help will prevent the necessity of greater.

[1038] In the Rambler, No. 148, entitled 'The cruelty of parental tyranny,' Johnson, after noticing the oppression inflicted by the perversion of legal authority, says:—'Equally dangerous and equally detestable are the cruelties often exercised in private families, under the venerable sanction of parental authority.' He continues:—'Even though no consideration should be paid to the great law of social beings, by which every individual is commanded to consult the happiness of others, yet the harsh parent is less to be vindicated than any other criminal, because he less provides for the happiness of himself.' See also post, March 29, 1779. A passage in one of Boswell's Letters to Temple (p. 111) may also be quoted here:—'The time was when such a letter from my father as the one I enclose would have depressed; but I am now firm, and, as my revered friend, Mr. Samuel Johnson, used to say, I feel the privileges of an independent human being; however, it is hard that I cannot have the pious satisfaction of being well with my father.'

[1039] Perhaps 'Van,' for Vansittart.

[1040] Lord Stowell informs me that Johnson prided himself in being, during his visits to Oxford, accurately academic in all points: and he wore his gown almost ostentatiously. CROKER.

[1041] Dr. Robert Vansittart, of the ancient and respectable family of that name in Berkshire. He was eminent for learning and worth, and much esteemed by Dr. Johnson. BOSWELL. Johnson perhaps proposed climbing over the wall on the day on which 'University College witnessed him drink three bottles of port without being the worse for it.' Post, April 7, 1778.

[1042] Gentleman's Magazine, April, 1785. BOSWELL. The speech was made on July 7, 1759, the last day of 'the solemnity of the installment' of the Earl of Westmoreland as Chancellor of the University. On the 3rd 'the ceremony began with a grand procession of noblemen, doctors, &c., in their proper habits, which passed through St. Mary's, and was there joined by the Masters of Arts in their proper habits; and from thence proceeded to the great gate of the Sheldonian Theatre, in which the most numerous and brilliant assembly of persons of quality and distinction was seated, that had ever been seen there on any occasion.' Gent. Mag. xxix. 342. Would that we had some description of Johnson, as, in his new and handsome gown, he joined the procession among the Masters! See ante, p. 281.

[1043] Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, 3d edit. p. 126 [Aug. 31]. BOSWELL. The chance of death from disease would seem also to have been greater on the ship than in a jail. In The Idler (No. 38) Johnson estimates that one in four of the prisoners dies every year. In his Review of Hanway's Essay on Tea (Works, vi. 31) he states that he is told that 'of the five or six hundred seamen sent to China, sometimes half, commonly a third part, perish in the voyage.' See post, April 10, 1778.

[1044] Ibid. p. 251 [Sept. 23]. BOSWELL.

[1045] In my first edition this word was printed Chum, as it appears, in one of Mr. Wilkes's Miscellanies, and I animadverted on Dr. Smollet's ignorance; for which let me propitiate the manes of that ingenious and benevolent gentleman. CHUM was certainly a mistaken reading for Cham, the title of the Sovereign of Tartary, which is well applied to Johnson, the Monarch of Literature; and was an epithet familiar to Smollet. See Roderick Random, chap. 56. For this correction I am indebted to Lord Palmerston, whose talents and literary acquirements accord well with his respectable pedigree of TEMPLE BOSWELL.

After the publication of the second edition of this work, the author was furnished by Mr. Abercrombie, of Philadelphia, with the copy of a letter written by Dr. John Armstrong, the poet, to Dr. Smollet at Leghorne, containing the following paragraph:—'As to the K. Bench patriot, it is hard to say from what motive he published a letter of yours asking some triffling favour of him in behalf of somebody, for whom the great CHAM of literature, Mr. Johnson, had interested himself.' MALONE. In the first edition Boswell had said:—'Had Dr. Smollet been bred at an English University, he would have know that a chum is a student who lives with another in a chamber common to them both. A chum of literature is nonsense.'

[1046] In a note to that piece of bad book-making, Almon's Memoirs of Wilkes (i. 47), this allusion is thus explained:-'A pleasantry of Mr. Wilkes on that passage in Johnson's Grammar of the English Tongue, prefixed to the Dictionary—"H seldom, perhaps never, begins any but the first syllable."' For this 'pleasantry' see ante, p. 300.

[1047] Mr. Croker says that he was not discharged till June 1760. Had he been discharged at once he would have found Johnson moving from Gough Square to Staple Inn; for in a letter to Miss Porter, dated March 23, 1739, given in the Appendix, Johnson said:-'I have this day moved my things, and you are now to direct to me at Staple Inn.'

[1048] Prayers and Meditations , pp. 30 [39] and 40. BOSWELL.

[1049] 'I have left off housekeeping' wrote Johnson to Langton on Jan. 9, 1759. Murphy (Life, p. 90), writing of the beginning of the year 1759, says:—'Johnson now found it necessary to retrench his expenses. He gave up his house in Gough Square. Mrs. Williams went into lodgings [See post, July 1, 1763]. He retired to Gray's-Inn, [he had first moved to Staple Inn], and soon removed to chambers in the Inner Temple-lane, where he lived in poverty, total idleness, and the pride of literature, Magni stat nominis umbra. Mr. Fitzherbert used to say that he paid a morning visit to Johnson, intending from his chambers to send a letter into the city; but, to his great surprise, he found an authour by profession without pen, ink, or paper.' (It was Mr. Fitzherbert, who sent Johnson some wine. See ante, p. 305, note 2. See also post, Sept. 15, 1777). The following documents confirm Murphy's statement of Johnson's poverty at this time:

'May 19, 1759.

'I promise to pay to Mr. Newbery the sum of forty-two pounds, nineteen shillings, and ten pence on demand, value received. 42 19 10.

'Sam. Johnson.'

'March 20, 1760.

'I promise to pay to Mr. Newbery the sum of thirty pounds upon demand., 30 0 0.

'Sam. Johnson.'

In 1751 he had thrice borrowed money of Newbery, but the total amount of the loans was only four guineas. Prior's Goldsmith, i. 340. With Johnson's want of pen, ink, and paper we may compare the account that he gives of Savage's destitution (Works, viii. 3):—'Nor had he any other conveniences for study than the fields or the streets allowed him; there he used to walk and form his speeches, and afterwards step into a shop, beg for a few moments the use of the pen and ink, and write down what he had composed upon paper which he had picked up by accident.' Hawkins (Life, p. 383) says that Johnson's chambers were two doors down the Inner Temple Lane. 'I have been told,' he continues, 'by his neighbour at the corner, that during the time he dwelt there, more inquiries were made at his shop for Mr. Johnson, than for all the inhabitants put together of both the Inner and Middle Temple.' In a court opening out of Fleet Street, Goldsmith at this very time was still more miserably lodged. In the beginning of March 1759, Percy found him 'employed in writing his Enquiry into Polite Learning in a wretched dirty room, in which there was but one chair, and when he from civility offered it to his visitant, himself was obliged to sit in the window.' Goldsmith's Misc. Works, i. 61.

[1050] Sir John Hawkins (Life, p. 373) has given a long detail of it, in that manner vulgarly, but significantly, called rigmarole; in which, amidst an ostentatious exhibition of arts and artists, he talks of 'proportions of a column being taken from that of the human figure, and adjusted by Nature—masculine and feminine—in a man, sesquioctave of the head, and in a woman sesquinonal;' nor has he failed to introduce a jargon of musical terms, which do not seem much to correspond with the subject, but serve to make up the heterogeneous mass. To follow the Knight through all this, would be an useless fatigue to myself, and not a little disgusting to my readers. I shall, therefore, only make a few remarks upon his statement.—He seems to exult in having detected Johnson in procuring 'from a person eminently skilled in Mathematicks and the principles of architecture, answers to a string of questions drawn up by himself, touching the comparative strength of semicircular and elliptical arches.' Now I cannot conceive how Johnson could have acted more wisely. Sir John complains that the opinion of that excellent mathematician, Mr. Thomas Simpson, did not preponderate in favour of the semicircular arch. But he should have known, that however eminent Mr. Simpson was in the higher parts of abstract mathematical science, he was little versed in mixed and practical mechanicks. Mr. Muller, of Woolwich Academy, the scholastick father of all the great engineers which this country has employed for forty years, decided the question by declaring clearly in favour of the elliptical arch.

It is ungraciously suggested, that Johnson's motive for opposing Mr. Mylne's scheme may have been his prejudice against him as a native of North Britain; when, in truth, as has been stated, he gave the aid of his able pen to a friend, who was one of the candidates; and so far was he from having any illiberal antipathy to Mr. Mylne, that he afterwards lived with that gentleman upon very agreeable terms of acquaintance, and dined with him at his house. Sir John Hawkins, indeed, gives full vent to his own prejudice in abusing Blackfriars bridge, calling it 'an edifice, in which beauty and symmetry are in vain sought for; by which the citizens of London have perpetuated study their own disgrace, and subjected a whole nation to the reproach of foreigners.' Whoever has contemplated, placido lumine [Horace, Odes, iv. 3, 2], this stately, elegant, and airy structure, which has so fine an effect, especially on approaching the capital on that quarter, must wonder at such unjust and ill-tempered censure; and I appeal to all foreigners of good taste, whether this bridge be not one of the most distinguished ornaments of London. As to the stability of the fabrick, it is certain that the City of London took every precaution to have the best Portland stone for it; but as this is to be found in the quarries belonging to the publick, under the direction of the Lords of the Treasury, it so happened that parliamentary interest, which is often the bane of fair pursuits, thwarted their endeavours. Notwithstanding this disadvantage, it is well known that not only has Blackfriars-bridge never sunk either in its foundation or in its arches, which were so much the subject of contest, but any injuries which it has suffered from the effects of severe frosts have been already, in some measure, repaired with sounder stone, and every necessary renewal can be completed at a moderate expence. BOSWELL. Horace Walpole mentions an ineffectual application made by the City to Parliament in 1764 'for more money for their new bridge at Blackfriars,' when Dr. Hay, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, 'abused the Common Council, whose late behaviour, he said, entitled them to no favour.' Walpole's Memoirs of the Reign of George III, i. 390. The late behaviour was the part taken by the City in Wilkes's case. It was the same love of liberty no doubt that lost the City the Portland stone. Smollett goes out of the way to praise his brother-Scot, Mr. Mylne, in Humphry Clinker—'a party novel written,' says Horace Walpole, 'to vindicate the Scots' (Reign of George III, iv. 328). In the letter dated May 29, he makes Mr. Bramble say:—'The Bridge at Blackfriars is a noble monument of taste and public spirit—I wonder how they stumbled upon a work of such magnificence and utility.'

[1051] Juvenal, Sat. i. 85.

[1052] 'Born and educated in this country, I glory in the name of Briton.'—George III's first speech to his parliament. It appears from the _Hardwicke Papers_, writes the editor of the _Parl. Hist. (xv. 982), that after the draft of the speech had been settled by the cabinet, these words and those that came next were added by the King's own hand. Wilkes in his _Dedication of Mortimer_ (see _post_, May 15, 1776) asserted that 'these endearing words, "Born,&c.," were permitted to be seen in the royal orthography of Britain for Briton,' Almon's _Works_, i. 84.

[1053] In this _Introduction_ (_Works_, vi. 148) Johnson answers objections that had been raised against the relief. 'We know that for the prisoners of war there is no legal provision; we see their distress and are certain of its cause; we know that they are poor and naked, and poor and naked without a crime.... The opponents of this charity must allow it to be good, and will not easily prove it not to be the best. That charity is best of which the consequences are most extensive; the relief of enemies has a tendency to unite mankind in fraternal affection.' The Committee for which Johnson's paper was written began its work in Dec. 1759. In the previous month of October Wesley records in his _Journal (ii. 461):—'I walked up to Knowle, a mile from Bristol, to see the French prisoners. Above eleven hundred of them, we were informed, were confined in that little place, without anything to lie on but a little dirty straw, or anything to cover them but a few foul thin rags, either by day or by night, so that they died like rotten sheep. I was much affected, and preached in the evening on _Exodus_ xxiii. 9.' Money was at once contributed, and clothing bought. 'It was not long before contributions were set on foot in various parts of the Kingdom.' On Oct. 24 of the following year, he records:—'I visited the French prisoners at Knowle, and found many of them almost naked again.' _Ib_. iii. 23. 'The prisoners,' wrote Hume (_Private Corres_. p. 55), 'received food from the public, but it was thought that their own friends would supply them with clothes, which, however, was found after some time to be neglected.' The cry arose that the brave and gallant men, though enemies, were perishing with cold in prison; a subscription was set on foot; great sums were given by all ranks of people; and, notwithstanding the national foolish prejudices against the French, a remarkable zeal everywhere appeared for this charity. I am afraid that M. Rousseau could not have produced many parallel instances among his heroes, the Greeks; and still fewer among the Romans. Baretti, in his _Journey from London to Genoa_ (i. 62, 66), after telling how on all foreigners, even on a Turk wearing a turban, 'the pretty appellation of _French dog_ was liberally bestowed by the London rabble,' continues:—'I have seen the populace of England contribute as many shillings as they could spare towards the maintenance of the French prisoners; and I have heard a universal shout of joy when their parliament voted 100,000 to the Portuguese on hearing of the tremendous earthquake.'