The celebrated counsel, Mr. Qurves, noisily arranged his papers, rose and opened the case in the blustering manner for which he was famous.

"The case I have to present to your worship I think I may characterise as unprecedented in the annals of Australian history. It is monstrous that such a savage act of reprisal should have been conceived in the midst of the enlightened civilisation of our day. It is typical of a period of savagery and barbarism, and I venture to assert that even were we living under such barbaric conditions, when human life was held cheaply, an act so atrocious as this would not be allowed to go unpunished. That the prisoners—"

"I object to my clients being called prisoners," interposed Dr. Haddon.

"I bow to my learned friend. I will say defendants—for that they will be prisoners soon will be clearly demonstrated, so the objection hardly matters. That the defendants are hardened to crime and wickedness their callous manner makes apparent to all of us. To view with in-difference the grave charge of disfiguring a man in such a manner that his life is ruined stamps them at once as murderers in intent, if not in deed. I shall have little difficulty in shewing your worship that the crime was premeditated, and that the defendants were literally thirsting to avenge themselves in this bloodthirsty manner. I shall shew the Court that the defendant Morris set himself to avenge a wrong—or rather what his warped imagination considered a wrong—and, coward that he was, thinking that man to man would be an unequal match he sought an accomplice in the man by his side. Both of them hounded my client down, tracked him over the whole country—and what for, think you? For his blood—and yet both have the presumption to sit there with smiling faces and to ask you to believe they have done an heroic deed."

Mr. Qurves was practised in the art of rousing his audience to indignation, and he paused to let the full effect of his outburst sink into the hearts of his hearers.

"These are the outlines, your worship. I will now go into details. Villiers Wyckliffe, my client, is the only son of the late Seymour Wyckcliffe, the eminent banker, whose name is known throughout the civilised world. On the death of his father, Mr. Wyckliffe, being disinclined for a business life, converted the bank into a company and retired. Now, given a young man of prepossessing appearance, of good birth and standing, with ample means, does it not stand to reason that, in a city like London, a young man of this description would have more temptations thrown in his way than a more ordinary individual? Furthermore, he was always a great favourite with the gentler sex, and perhaps that fact alone was sufficient to rouse the ire of jealous individuals, a fair specimen of whom we have before us in the defendant Morris. Now, my client was introduced to a young lady at a ball, at the lady's own request, and they sat out one dance together. The lady proving to be very interested in him, and shewing a tendency to monopolise his attention, time passed, so that instead of one dance being missed, two were. The lady in question had merely remarked that as she was engaged to her betrothed for the next dance, it did not matter missing it. Also, in the course of the conversation, she mentioned, in a manner that could not be misconstrued, that she would be walking on the following day in the Park. Naturally, my client announced his intention of being there too. They met, and for several days continued to meet, just previous to the day the plaintiff had decided to start on his trip to Australia. On his arrival here telegrams informed him that he was being pursued. My client was surprised, but subsequently obtained the information that the girl had fallen in love with him and broken off with her betrothed, the defendant Morris. Now, I ask the Court if it is surprising that a girl should do that? One has only to compare the two men—even though you now see my client at a disadvantage—to perceive how natural, how much a matter of common sense and how inevitable it was that she should do so. Now, this commonplace matter was the cause of the assault."

We need not follow the learned counsel as he detailed the history of the meeting with Winter, the pursuit from one colony to another, the theft of the notched stick, and the ultimate capture of Wyck. With brutal directness and sarcasm he laid bare a diabolical plot until the audience was roused almost to a pitch of frenzy: but when he closed as follows the frenzy became almost uncontrollable.

"When these ruffians seized and drugged my client and gave play to their barbarous instincts by maiming him for life, one is tempted to ask why they did not further indulge their brutal propensities by roasting the flesh they cut away. I am sorry to say that both these men are Australians, and I ask again, can such things be tolerated in the country of sunshine and gladness, of freedom and justice? In another country we know Judge Lynch would preside at their trial. And we here shall shew these two that such an atrocity will not be permitted here solely because a girl has shewn one man that she can like him better than another, with whom she has become entangled. I will now call Mr. Wyckliffe."

As Mr. Qurves sat down he was gratified to find his blustering eloquence had had the result desired. Applause broke out in all corners of the Court; in vain the criers shouted for order, but their voices were drowned. "Let's lynch 'em," shouted some ardent spirits at the back. The row only subsided when the magistrate gave orders for the Court to be cleared. The boys looked quietly at each other, and held a whispered consultation with their counsel, but they remained as calm and collected as before, and the girls followed their example of quiet confidence.

Wyck entered the box with an air of bravado, and gave full particulars in support of his counsel's opening, in answer to the questions put to him. When Mr. Qurves had finished, Dr. Haddon rose in a quiet way, glanced slowly round the Court, and, turning to Wyck, asked:

"You know, of course, you are on your oath?"

"Certainly."

"You were a member of the Detlij Club before you left London?"

Wyck started in surprise, but answered, "I was."

"One of the objects of the Club was to enable jilted men to avenge themselves, I believe?"

"I believe so."

"They give a gold badge every year to the member who can boast of having destroyed the happiness of the most ladies?"

"Yes."

"You were awarded that badge last year?"

"I was."

"This is your stick, I believe?"

"It was, before it was stolen."

"Did you cut those notches in it?"

"No."

"Who did?"

"I don't know."

"Will you swear that you did not produce this stick at the Detlij Club and assert that each notch represented a broken heart?"

"I did not."

"Then what did you get the badge for?"

"I don't know." This in a sulky tone.

"Had you a friend of the name of Thomas Thomas?"

"Yes."

"You are aware he confessed everything to Morris?"

"No!" excitedly.

"Well then, I can tell you he did."

"It's a lie."

"Your crest was a broken heart, I believe?"

"It was."

"Why did you choose that?"

"To please myself."

"You know, of course, that you are branded with your own device?"

"Yes."

"Now, with reference to this stick; do you still swear that you never produced it at the Detlij Club?"

"I do."

"Then what would you say if I brought forward a member of the Club to prove it?"

"That he's a liar."

"I have nothing more to ask, your worship," said Dr. Haddon, resuming his seat.

Dick Burton and several minor witnesses were called to complete the case for the prosecution, and the Court adjourned for luncheon.



CHAPTER XXXI.

THE VERDICT.

The Court was, if possible, more crowded than ever when the case was resumed. The atmosphere was oppressive in the extreme, and the attention of everyone was strained to the utmost when Dr. Haddon rose to open the defence.

"May it please your worship. This case has been described by my learned friend as unprecedented in the annals of Australian history. I have no doubt that such is the case, but I sincerely hope from this day onward it may become a common occurrence."

The effect of this opening was electrical and caused a sensation in the Court. The Justices whispered portentously among themselves, in doubt whether the counsel should not be pulled up short.

"I repeat my words," continued the advocate. "I hope it will become a common occurrence, and furthermore I venture to say that there is not an Australian present in this building who will not agree with me when he has heard the evidence. Now the plaintiff, Villiers Wyckliffe, has informed us through his counsel that he lived the life of an English gentleman. The only comment I make on that is to say that his class will need all the help Heaven can give them, for I shall prove their representative to be a villain of the deepest dye. He has acknowledged his connection with the Detlij Club, an infamous institution which is the expression of the depravity, the callousness, the cynicism, the degradation of English Society. He acknowledged also that he was the owner of this stick, and, in spite of his denial, I shall have little difficulty in proving to the satisfaction of the Court that the notches were placed there by his own hand, and that each notch represented was airily described as a broken heart. When I mention to your worship that the notches are fifty in number it will give some indication of the plaintiffs character."

Dr. Haddon had struck the right key-note, and everyone in Court hung upon his words. The silence was profound, and each listener's eager attention grew in intensity as he proceeded to detail the peculiar power of fascination—snake-like, he called it—possessed by the plaintiff. Without any assistance from turgid rhetoric, or indignant denunciation, he depicted it in a manner so simple, yet so direct, that his audience shivered in response. Then, with consummate art, he played upon their sensibilities by picturing the simple homeliness of Amy Johnson's happy family circle, on to the fervour of Reg's devotion, the complete happiness of the young couple up to their disunion under the diabolical arts of Wyckliffe. Gently, but still with a power that swayed them in their own despite, he wrung their sympathies from them with a pathetic recital of Amy's death, showed the blank in the happy home, and roused them to a pitch of enthusiasm over his client's oath of vengeance.

"I have witnesses from England," he continued, "who will speak to his dastardly gallantries there. I have girls from all parts of Australia"—here a constable whispered in his ear. "This constable tells me, your worship, that he has some difficulty in keeping the witnesses I have just alluded to under control. They have expressed a unanimous wish to have an interview with the plaintiff."

The suggestion of Wyckliffe being handed over to the tender mercies of his Australian victims seemed to tickle the audience and a faint ripple of laughter went round the crowded Court. Wyck, who had been growing more and more fidgetty, here held an excited conversation with his counsel, who rose and said:

"Your worship, my client complains of feeling unwell. May we adjourn?"

"I object to an adjournment," said Dr. Haddon, promptly.

"Then my client instructs me to withdraw the case, as he does not wish to carry the matter further."

"What's that?" said the Chairman, in surprise.

"Well, your worship, if you will allow me to explain," said Mr. Qurves, in his impressive way, "I should like to say that I have never given up a case with greater pleasure than I do this one, for I am an Australian born and I consider the defendants acted like men, and I wish publicly to apologise for anything I have said to their discredit. I consider them an honour to our country."

"Hear, hear. Hurrah!" burst from all sides.

"Silence!" cried the crier, but he cried in vain.

When silence was in some measure restored, the Chairman remarked:

"If Mr. Wyckliffe wishes to withdraw from the prosecution there is nothing left for the Bench but to dismiss the case. The defendants have undoubtedly broken the law, which we are here to administer, but though we are magistrates, our sympathy is for the Australians, and I cannot help saying that I am glad that our duty demands from us nothing that will prevent them from quitting the Court."

Ringing cheers here broke out from all quarters, which no one wished to check. Even members of the Bench were seen to join in the applause. The Inspector, fearing Wyck might be roughly handled, got him away quietly and sent him off in a cab to his hotel.

Enthusiasm ran high, and the boys had considerable difficulty in leaving the Court. At last they got safely into a cab, but even then the crowd refused to leave them unmolested, and the horse was removed and they were dragged in triumph to their hotel.

That evening, the young Australians gave a big banquet at the Town Hall, at which they were the honoured guests. Toasts and complimentary speeches followed one another in rapid succession. Australians love their country, but they love the honour of their women above all.

Everywhere the boys were feted and made much of, and it was a relief to them when they were able to accompany the girls and Mr. and Mrs. Whyte to Tasmania for a lengthy stay at Goodchild's. Here they rested till Reg had recovered his melancholy, till the memory of Wyck and his infamy had become like an evil dream, and life seemed again to offer him a share in its joys, and the future held out the prospect of many happy days to come.



CHAPTER XXXII.

CONCLUSION.

The following is a cutting from the Bulletin:

SEQUELS TO THE GREAT CASE OF WYCKLIFFE v. MORRIS AND WINTER.

PHASE I.—Yesterday was a red letter day in Melbourne, for it witnessed the double wedding of the heroes of the great case of Wyckliffe v. Morris and Winter to two of the wealthiest and most charming of Australian heiresses. Having successfully, and to the admiration of their countrymen, vindicated the honour of Australia on the person of its English traducer, Mr. Allen Winter and Mr. Reginald Morris have now proceeded to demonstrate to Englishmen in general, (and we may add to our own countrymen also), how possible it is for an Australian heiress to ally herself with an Australian husband. From to-day, Miss Hilda Mannahill, a daughter of whom Australia is proud, reappears as Mrs. Allen Winter; and Miss May Goodchild, the daughter of Mr. Goodchild, of Tasmania, reappears as Mrs. Reginald Morris. A fashionable crowd packed Scott's Church, where the ceremony was performed; and a larger and less fashionable, but more enthusiastic, crowd lined the streets and greeted both brides and bridegrooms with the heartiest cheers. With one voice Australia wishes them health and happiness.

PHASE II.—Have you ever seen a whipped hound trailing along with its tail between its legs? How furtively it gazes out of the corner of one eye. With what anxious trepidation it endeavours to hide itself behind the flimsiest obstacles! What an air of dilapidation and misery it bears! How piteously it whines if you deign to notice it, as if it said, "It wasn't me, but the ugly bull-dog round the corner!" Passengers by the s.s. Paramatta, which left Adelaide yesterday, were reminded of the aptness of this simile to one of their number, who was leaving for England. He was a young man, with a pale, emaciated face, a hang-dog expression, and having both ears closely bandaged. His name is Villiers Wyckliffe, and he will be able to tell England what he thinks of Australia, and on his person he will bear, till his dying day, the mark of Australia's Revenge.

LATEST EDITION.

SYDNEY CUP.

Mrs. Allen Winter's "Wyck" won by two lengths.



FINIS.



APPENDIX.

AUTHORS' NOTE.

The authors would like it to be distinctly understood that the following is an opinion formed by a young Australian, a keen observer who has traversed the greater portion of the Colonies, mixed freely with all classes, and attended meetings, at times presided over by eminent politicians, at others by working men. The opinion given is an unprejudiced one for which he alone is responsible. He is not connected with any society whatsoever, nor has he any interest in one; and the authors trust that their readers will treat it accordingly.



AUSTRALIAN GOVERNORS.

PAST—PRESENT—FUTURE.

LIST 1894.

Colony. Salary.

VICTORIA L10,000 NEW SOUTH WALES 7,000 SOUTH AUSTRALIA 5,000 QUEENSLAND 5,000 WESTERN AUSTRALIA 4,000 NEW ZEALAND 5,000 TASMANIA 3,500

L39,500



DEFINITION.

An Australian Governor is a gentleman, usually a nobleman, who, without having any special qualifications, is sent out by the Crown to represent the interests of Great Britain and to safeguard the bond that links the Colony to its Mother Country. His position is virtually an anomaly and he himself, a mere figure-head.



FROM A GENERAL POINT OF VIEW.

Governors may be divided into two classes, as follows:—

1.—Those who possess an income, and accept the position with the intention of living a life of pleasure.

2.—Those who are hard pressed, and accept with the idea of recruiting and saving money.

Herein is embodied the chief elements which will determine whether a Governor is to become popular or unpopular, for no matter how excellent his qualifications may be if he is poor his chances of becoming popular are reduced to a minimum.

The indispensable conditions for an Australian Governor in Australian eyes are as follows:—

He must be a titled nobleman of really ancient and distinguished family, for the Australian Society folks "dearly love a lord."

He must possess a large private income and be prepared to spend it in addition to his salary.

He must be an ardent sportsman and bon viveur, and yet be on terms of sympathy with the Anti-Gambling Society and the Tee-total Party.

He must entertain right royally.

He must have no strong political opinions or, if he has, he must keep them to himself.

He should be able to make a humorous, graceful and good-natured speech, neither biassed nor erudite, on any subject that may come prominently forward.

He must lay aside all aristocratic "airs," and be prepared to shake every caller's hand at levees, etc.

Lastly, but by no means least in importance, he must possess a wife of an amiable disposition, who will mix on cordial terms with the ladies, condescend to "talk chiffons" and even scandal when required; and one, who in addition to being a perfect hostess, must hold herself ever ready to be at the beck and call of the general public to lay foundation stones, open bazaars and perform the hundred-and-one similar social functions.

These qualifications are not severe, and many men going out for a life of pleasure would find little difficulty in fulfilling them. The stumbling-block to most aspirants would be in the two first clauses, for one need only glance over the peerage to find to his astonishment how few really representatives of ancient families are possessed of good incomes. The large incomes are enjoyed by the self-made men who have been raised to the peerage of late years, but though Australians would object to a poor man, they would not have a wealthy, self-made man, however celebrated he might be, at any price; for the Colonies are great respecters of, and believers in, blue blood, as they possess an abundance of the commoner quality already.

Lord Carrington stands supreme in the annals of Australian history as the most popular Governor who has ever visited her shores. Since he holds a position so unique it may be as well to examine the means to which he owed his success. They lie in a nut-shell. He realised his position as a figure-head. He knew he would be called upon to lavish hospitality on a grand scale, and to confine himself to the exercise of social qualities only. He made his plans accordingly.

His predecessor, an old and well-tried diplomatist, had failed through interference, and he profited by the experience. A week after his arrival he could count his admirers by the score, and a few months later the Colony from end to end sang his praises. And what a glorious time the Society folk had! what delightful garden-parties, entertainments, and picnics! No gathering was complete without the genial Lord and his Lady, and they, recognising the situation, were always ready and willing to put in an attendance at every function, at all of which they invariably received a loyal and hearty welcome. In the council-room his Lordship was equally ready to act up to the ideal. When his Ministers attended to discuss politics he yawned, languidly—so gracefully, indeed, that the "Carrington yawn" became the rage in Sydney—he would put the papers aside in his genial way, bid them do anything they pleased, and order refreshments of the most enticing nature, and politics would be forgotten. Undoubtedly among their many estimable qualities the greatest lay in the interest both took in the welfare of the poor; and when the day of their departure came, there was as genuine a display of grief on the part of the poverty-stricken, who had been the recipient of their bounty, as from those in higher places who had revelled in their hospitality.

Sir Henry Loch, as Governor of Victoria, rivalled Lord Carrington very closely in popularity. He might be taken as an exception to the rule, for, although not a lord, he showed himself to be such an excellent diplomatist, and capable of giving such sensible advice, that his opinion was always sought by his Ministers on matters of importance. Even these qualities in a man would not always ensure his success, for, were he too eager to give his advice, he might be classed as an interferer; but, as previously mentioned, Sir Henry was an excellent diplomatist. At the same time he had the good fortune to have in his wife one of the most amiable and genial hostesses that ever presided over a Government House in the Colonies.

How readily a Governor may become unpopular may be illustrated in the case of one within the last ten years, who received a most cordial welcome and flattering reception, the whole Colony turning out to do him honour. His lady, however, the following day turned the tide against him, by summoning a meeting of all the local business people and delivering a very pathetic lecture on domestic economy. The following day Society received the appalling news that no balls, receptions, or parties were to be expected, as they came out with the intention of economising, having to keep up a second establishment in England. This occurred strangely enough in by far the most hospitable and pleasure-loving of the Australasian Colonies. Needless to say, it did not take many months before they were given to understand what was expected from a Governor. They fell in gracefully with the hint given them, and towards the end of their term became fairly popular.

Upon the Governors of to-day little more than a few passing remarks need be made, as no one of them can rank as a really popular Governor.

Lord Kintore cannot by any means be considered a success. Certainly he was not rich when he accepted the position, but he was fortunate in being put in the way of "a good thing," by some of those gentlemen, eager for social distinction, with whom the Colonies swarm. The good thing came off, and he became richer to the extent of some thirty thousand—but his advisers are still waiting for titles. His popularity was not increased by that expensive trip of his across Australia, for although he may have figured as a hero in England, by no means did he do so in Australia, for he travelled en prince, with his medical adviser and every other personal and material luxury provided at the expense of the Colony. Lady Kintore could never feel at home in the Colonies and openly showed her preference for English life and ways, preferring rather to entertain English Royalty and nobility than the "common Australians." Consequently, Government House in Adelaide has been voted a distinct failure since she became its hostess. The Premier of South Australia has announced that the Governor's salary will in future be reduced by two thousand pounds; his reasons are obvious. The other Colonies will follow suit for a certainty, so the halcyon days of an Australian Governor may fairly be said to be over.

In Lord Hopetoun we have a young and inexperienced man. He is popular among a certain class, but, taking him all round, he can neither be regarded as a success nor a failure; but he has a few exceptionally good traits of character, by which he will be remembered long after his time has expired.

Sir Robert Duff, the recently-appointed Governor of New South Wales, has on more than one occasion offended the Colonials and, judging by the way he is spoken of in the Press, his term of office is not likely to be a happy one, nor will it tend to strengthen the existing bond.

The Press of Australia may generally be regarded as very enthusiastic in its support of the Governors, and, considering the weight and influence it carries and exercises, it is well that this is so. The only exception to the rule is the Sydney Bulletin, a paper with a large circulation, which it owes to its outspoken opinions and clever caricatures of all the leading men and incidents of the day. It carries considerable influence with it, more especially in the democratic circles, throughout all the Colonies. Most of the Governors that have held office in Australia will, no doubt, have unpleasant recollections of its satire.

Every Colony has her leading dailies, and they, taken as a whole, may be termed loyal supporters of Great Britain and her Sovereign.

The reasons that may be assigned are many.

In the first place, they have to meet the wishes of their subscribers and, undoubtedly, the majority of the more important have strictly loyal opinions, and both have become used to the groove in which they have been running for so many years, probably dating back to the days when the right of free speech was not so permissible as it now is.

Then again, the Press seemed to think it their duty to accept with acclamation any representative sent out by the Crown, no matter whether he was suitable for the position or not, but this has to a great extent become altered, thanks to Queensland, the most outspoken and independent of all the Colonies, when her able Premier put down his foot and said that he should be consulted before an appointment was ratified. Even then some of the older journals reproved Queensland for her audacity, but fortunately they were in the minority and had to give way.

Of course, no Governor however dull he might be, would be so injudicious as to offend the Press, for he would not increase the popularity of his stay, nor would he tend to strengthen the connecting link; consequently the chief officers of the Press enjoy many privileges not known to the outside world; but that's diplomacy.

There are times, however, when the Governors may, either from want of knowledge or from other reasons, overstep the limits of their duty. The Press will then in leading articles gently point out the error of their ways, and offer sensible advice on the subject; if the offender be wise he will withdraw, unconditionally, and then all will be well; but should he persevere in his antagonism he will receive a severe slating. This of course is only referring to extra-ordinary cases, as the Governors as a rule are allowed a wide scope in which to humour their whims.

From the foregoing it will be seen that, taken from a general point of view, the duties of the Governors are merely to preside, entertain right royally and to be good fellows; for this the Colonies are prepared to pay handsome salaries and bow down to her Majesty's representatives, professing their apparent sincerest loyalty to the Crown.



FROM A YOUNG AUSTRALIAN POINT OF VIEW.

Within the last few years there has been a strong feeling of democracy growing in Australia. It can be traced to two great sources. Firstly, to the fact that the young Australians have grown tired of the continual display of so-called loyalty, and secondly, to the great struggles that have taken place between capital and labour; and although neither party recognises each other's policy these are so similar in the main points that they will be taken collectively, including that of a third and weaker party, who, although also of the same mind, do not recognise either of the former.

Scores of societies and parties are to be found scattered over the length and breadth of the Colonies. They are to be found in the handsome chambers of the City Clubs, presided over by some of the leading men of the day, and they are to be found in the white-washed parlour of the bush public-house, with a rough labouring, yet perhaps a deep-thinking, man at their head, coupled with occasional assistance perhaps of a delegate from some Union or the Labour representative in Parliament for that district. At the present time they are disunited for reasons of their own, and in many cases they would feel insulted at the very idea of their names being coupled together: consequently, each works on what it considers its own lines, which it naturally believes to be the correct ones; but one day Great Britain will make another blunder—which judging from past events cannot be considered altogether an impossibility—and the Young Australians, feeling themselves strong enough in numbers, will rise and assert their opinion or in other words will take objection; the result will be that publicity will be given to their opinions and arguments, and then for the first time the other societies and parties will recognise how closely their policies agree, and they will naturally extend their sympathy towards them; this will give the Young Australians confidence and they will take a more determined stand, with the result that the outside bodies will proffer their assistance and will act as tributaries feeding a running stream; with others joining in from other quarters this small insignificant stream will gradually swell, and the result will be a vast river of party feeling with so strong a current and such immense volume that to try and divert its course would be useless. Considering that the present labour parties, who are democrats almost to a man, hold the balance of power in all the principal Parliaments some idea might be formed of the power that Young Australians would hold when they had asserted themselves.

Now, supposing such a body had been formed, what would their policy be?

The first on the list would be the appointment of their leaders by ballot, this over, the more important step would be taken on true democratic lines to secure their permanency; consequently the first item of importance would be the guarding against social distinctions in the shape of knighthoods emanating from Great Britain. This might seem of trivial importance to such a body, as it might be argued that men of their opinions would not be the ones to have the refusal of such distinctions, and yet it would be so, for one has only to look at every-day life in Australia and to watch what is going on, to be convinced of the importance of the precautions.

Knighthoods and social distinctions may well be looked on as a curse in Australia, and it's only the Crown's advisers that really know what a trump card they hold in having an abundant supply always on hand ready to be distributed at the slightest notice. Should it enter the minds of any reader that this casts a reflection on the holders of such distinctions let it be instantly dismissed, for there are gentlemen of the first water holding titles, to whom every right thinking person will admit their claim to the highest distinction the Crown could bestow on them, for they have helped to build up the Empire and make it what it now is, and are men whose consciences would allow them to assert that in accepting the same they only did their duty; but it's not of this class that anything need be said, it is those who are daily practising hypocrisy and appearing as philanthropists by bestowing munificent gifts on institutions, or are agreeable to sell their opinions with the hope of securing the coveted honours. Take away the titles granted to politicians, and very few will remain, and as politics has long since been acknowledged the cheapest way to become knighted, the competition has become very keen, with the result that influential men with strong Republican opinions, are offered and accept a title, thereby selling themselves. There are men who once were acknowledged to be as firm as a rock in their sentiments, wavering as the coveted curse is dangled in front of their nose. Intrigues and conspiracies are carried on between themselves, and the whole political career of many an honest man has been blasted by his ambition to have a handle to his name.

There is another class who try to work the oracle through the Governors, but that has not proved a success.

Then come the philanthropists, one of whom barely escaped taking his title into penal servitude lately, and another of whom, on securing the title, at once came to England and settled down as an English nobleman, giving strict orders for his estates to be managed in the most economical way, in order that he might be able to live as a gentleman in England; he has been successful and is now related to titled families of the class with which England abounds, for ever on the alert to make the acquaintance of millionaires' daughters. That this class of people should be titled is what disgusts the Young Australians, especially when they have so many good citizens, men who have introduced capital, started industries and manufactories and have assisted to build up the commercial trade with the world; these are passed over and not noticed, for the simple reason that their names do not appear in print twice a day, but they are true men and are thought none the less of. Much as the many worthy recipients are admired, there is yet a class that are held to be far superior, and they are those who, on being pressed to accept the honours, refused, preferring to keep their opinions unfettered; they are the men Young Australians admire, and are prepared to follow.

"Cut the painter" might be suggested by some weak and injudicious member of about the calibre of that novelist who made use of the same expression in his report of his reception in the Colonies. This, however, would be negatived immediately, as it would be entirely in opposition to what their policy would be.

The next question, undoubtedly, would be the appointment of Governors, and a motion proposing the abolition of English Governors would be brought forward and received with such enthusiasm that it would quickly be recognised as a point of vital importance and interest.

On looking at the definition of a Governor it is seen that his position is an anomaly and he himself a figure-head, his duty being to strengthen the link that connects the Colony to Great Britain, This definition as before mentioned, may be allowable from a general point of view, but never from the Young Australians' point of view, for they recognise that these gentlemen of pleasure cost the Colonies L39,500 a year in salaries, and another L20,000 may be added for incidental expenses, interest, etc., making, roughly speaking L60,000 a year, or nearly sufficient to pay the interest on a three per cent. loan of two millions. It would be argued in the first place that the sixty thousand was simply thrown away, and in the second that the time had arrived when men of ability took the places of the figure-heads.

The English Governor is sent out to strengthen the existing bond, or in other words to preach loyalty. "God save the Queen" is his text, his motto and his password. If he attends a public function, "God save the Queen" is conspicuous on the walls; if he replies to a toast he will make frequent reference to the estimable qualities of Her Majesty. If he walks or drives down the street, the street bands and barrel-organs play "God save the Queen"; if he attends or promises to attend a theatrical performance, nothing is done until his arrival, even if it be an hour late, then everybody in the house is expected to rise, and take off their hats, when the orchestra greets him with "God save the Queen." If he attends a dinner, "God save the Queen" is inscribed on the menu between each of the courses, and is supposed to be partaken of; if he visits a school the children will have been practising for months, at home, in the street, in school and everywhere, "God save the Queen"; if he attends a football match or any athletic sports, he is the centre of attraction, all in the grand stands rise while the band plays "God save the Queen." These are a few instances that have become law in Australia, and the song or tune has just about the same effect on the Young Australians as a worn-out, threadbare music-hall song would have on a first-night audience; and yet there are plenty of people to be found who will acknowledge that it's the prettiest tune they ever heard, and with a "God bless the dear old lady," they are arguing the next instant with themselves that it must come, it's only a matter of waiting, another thousand or two judiciously expended will do it. To keep the tune of "God save the Queen" fresh in the Australian's ears costs sixty thousand a year.

One of the greatest surprises an Australian has on his arrival in England is the comparative lack, of loyal display. There, the Queen's birthday is taken no more notice of than if it were a commoner's, the Prince of Wales's less, even the papers make very slight mention of the fact. Britons dearly love their ruler and are always ready to obey when called on, but, they do not make any attempt to impress it upon every one that visits their shores, and by so doing command respect. As for Earls and Lords they are spoken of as my milkman, Lord So-and-So, or my fruiterer or butcher, the Earl of So-and-So, or my dressmaker the Countess of So-and-So, as they are rapidly becoming mixed up in trade.

To return to the loyal subjects of Australia, what does loyalty mean? Ask for a truthful statement and nine out of ten will reply, "self-interest." This is why Young Australians object, for, taken as a whole they do not trouble about Society and its ways; they are open, candid and, above all, they despise hypocrisy. So, instead of the Governor strengthening the existing bond, he is weakening it, looking at it from a general point of view, and this fact is regretted by the Young Australians, for, although they will always be ready and willing to show their highest respect and admiration for both Her Majesty and her dominions, and wish, if anything, to strengthen the bond, yet they will not recognise figure-heads when they have men of ability among themselves, willing and capable to govern the Colony at a third of the expense. Young Australians are loyal, although they may have their own peculiar way of showing their loyalty.

Supposing the English Governors were to be withdrawn, it might be asked what would the connecting link be which would still bind the Colonies to Great Britain. That might be answered in a very practical way. If Great Britain wishes to be represented in the Colonies, let her send out men of commercial and business ability as Ambassadors, paying them sufficient to be able to entertain right royally; that would have the desired effect. But why should it be necessary for Great Britain to be represented at all, for there is not the slightest fear of Australia attempting to cut the leading strings, but, on the other hand, it would be so beneficial to the Colonies and all concerned, that the act would be so appreciated as to make the bond stronger than ever. Such arrangements as the Australian Squadron now in force might be improved upon and continued, and many more that would undoubtedly suggest themselves to the interests of both parties.

There can be no doubt that at its first intimation the candidature for a Local Governorship would bring forth many aspirants for the honour, but, fortunately for Australia, every Colony has men who stand head and shoulders above their fellows, that when a minute examination of the necessary qualifications was held there would be no difficulty in selecting the proper man for the position.

In order to point out the contrast between the Local and English Governors, let us consider the action of each at an imaginary meeting called to discuss the most important phase in Australian history, viz: Federation.

The present system will be dealt with first.

As the Governors of to-day are recognised only as figure-heads, they would not be invited to attend, consequently the whole onus of the undertaking would fall on the Premiers and their Parliamentary colleagues.

Every Parliament may be divided into three distinct classes, the Government, the Opposition, and the Labour Party, consequently the leaders of all three parties would be required to assist in the movement. They might fairly be said to represent the Colony, but would it be likely that the Opposition, who have perhaps lately been thrown out of power, would assist their opponents to complete what is to be the most important step in Australian history? No, most decidedly not, for they would recognise that the party in power would take the sole credit for having brought it about. Shewing how eager the Premiers of the Colonies are to personally bring about that most important step, it may be mentioned that the last three Premiers of New South Wales have each made overtures to the other Colonies, and yet were they to meet in convention their opinions would be divided, with the result that Federation would be just as far off as ever it was, and under the existing regime it will never be brought to a head.

Now, supposing that a Local Governor was at the head of the Colony how different things would be, for he would have no political or party feelings, he would be the friend of all, and were a convention to be called, he, a man of ability and integrity, with his whole interests in the Colony, would meet men of the same calibre from the other Colonies; he would be accompanied by his able ministers and leaders of the different parties; all party strife would be put aside, for on his shoulders would fall the credit of such an undertaking, and the parties, glad to choose a medium by which their opponents would not succeed over them, would gladly consent to the intervening party, consequently this policy would be unanimous, and the long-talked of Federation accomplished.

English Governors are a direct stumbling-block to Federation, and before any convention is held, steps should be taken for the removal of the obstacles.

Had Australia been self-governed, or even had the Governors been shrewd business men, there is a great possibility that that great financial crisis, which nearly crippled Australia and by which millions were lost, might have been avoided. This may seem a rash statement, and yet when the facts are considered there undoubtedly does seem to have been a possible probability.

It is well known that the crisis did not come suddenly, for never had there been so much warning and time given in which to prepare for an impending catastrophe. For months and months dark and heavy clouds were hanging over financial circles, threatening to burst at any moment. Depositors were in a fever of excitement, they held their deposit receipts in their hands ready to withdraw at the first alarm, their excitement stood on the balance, ready to burst forth or to be smoothed down into confidence by a judicious action of some responsible parties had it been forthcoming, but, alas, the Commercial Bank of Australia was allowed to suspend payment and the panic burst forth in every direction and no amount of work could cool the excited crowds.

The Commercial Bank, with its numerous branches, had been doing an extensive business, and was a prominent member of the Associated Banks, which was formed with the idea of assisting each other. When the Directors of the Bank saw how matters stood they approached the association in a half-hearted way and received a half-hearted answer, and the result was disaster.

Now, supposing that one of the Governors had been a keen, shrewd man of business, and a man who could look far ahead of him, and supposing that he could have forgotten that he was a mere figure-head, he would have stepped forward and said, "The Commercial Bank shall not close its doors." With such an affirmation, had he approached the Government of the Colony and, through them hastily summoned the leaders of the other Colonies, there is no doubt but that an arrangement would have been arrived at, by which the crisis could have at least been suspended for a sufficient time to either allow the bank to unload some of its more pressing liabilities or to realise on its assets, and thereby, sufficient time would have been gained for some arrangements to be entered into with the British depositors and investors, who no doubt would only have been too agreeable to assist.

Worse crises than the Australian have been avoided, to wit, Baring Brothers, but certainly this is only an individual opinion.

In conclusion, the Young Australian, trusting that he has not overstepped the boundary in the expressions of his opinions, and that no personalities will be taken, heartily wishes the Young Australians every success. It will be from Colonies such as Queensland and South Australia that steps will be first expected to be taken, for Queensland has already shown her cards and that clever South Australian Premier is going a step farther, and when South Australia has her Lieutenant-Governor in power she will show the other Colonies the immense advantages to be derived therefrom, and they will very soon follow in her footsteps, for men of his calibre are not to be had so readily in Great Britain.



END OF APPENDIX.



Transcriber's Note

Page 009 'badge was to to held.' changed to 'badge was to be held.'

Page 317 'back to the the "Grosvenor.' changed to 'back to the "Grosvenor."'

Page 346 'made so thatit' changed to 'made so that it'

Page 349 'Toowoomba up Queeensland' changed to "Toowoomba up Queensland'

All instances of 's. s.' standardised to the more frequently occurring 's.s.'