[Sidenote: The Slavic peoples revolt against Hungary.]

The eastern and southern portion of the Hapsburg domains were not more homogeneous than the west and north. When a constitution was granted to Hungary it was inevitable that the races which the Hungarians (Magyars) had long dominated should begin to consider how they might gain the right to govern themselves. The Slavs inhabiting Carniola, Carinthia, Istria, Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, and Servia had long meditated upon the possibility of a united Slavic kingdom in the south. Both the Servians and Croatians now revolted against Hungary. Like the Germans in Bohemia, the Servians and Croatians were on the whole friendly to the Vienna government, from which they had less to fear than from the establishment of Hungarian independence, which would put them at the mercy of the Magyars. It was, therefore, with the support of the Austrian ministry that an army of Servians and Croatians crossed into Hungary in September.



[Sidenote: Insurrection of the radicals in Vienna suppressed.]

[Sidenote: Accession of Francis Joseph I, 1848-.]

In October, 1848, the radical party rose in Vienna as it had in Paris after the deposition of Louis Philippe. The minister of war was brutally murdered and the emperor fled. The city was, however, besieged by the same commander who had put down the insurrection in Prague, and was forced to surrender. The imperial government was now in a position still further to strengthen itself. The emperor, a notoriously inefficient person, was forced to abdicate (December 2, 1848) in favor of his youthful nephew, Francis Joseph I, who still sits upon the Austrian throne. Moreover, a new Metternich appeared in the person of Schwarzenberg.

[Sidenote: Suppression of Hungarian republic.]

[Sidenote: Final peaceful union between Austria and Hungary, 1867.]

A vigorous campaign was begun against Hungary, which, under the influence of the patriotic Kossuth, had deposed its Hapsburg king and declared itself an independent republic under the presidency of Kossuth. The Tsar placed his forces at the disposal of Francis Joseph, and with the aid of an army of one hundred and fifty thousand Russians, who marched in from the east, the Hungarians were compelled, by the middle of August, to surrender. Austria took terrible vengeance upon the rebels. Thousands were hung, shot, and imprisoned, and many, including Kossuth, fled to the United States or elsewhere. But within a few years Hungary won its independence by peaceful measures, and it is now on exactly the same footing as the western dominions of Francis Joseph in the dual federation of Austria-Hungary.

[Sidenote: Austria defeats the king of Sardinia at Novara, March, 1849.]

[Sidenote: Accession of Victor Emmanuel as king of Sardinia.]

It remained for Austria to restablish her prestige in Italy and in the German Confederation. In March, 1849, Charles Albert renewed the war which had been discontinued after the defeat at Custozza. The campaign lasted but five days and closed with his crushing and definitive defeat at Novara (March 23), which put an end to the hopes of Italian liberty for the time being. Charles Albert abdicated in favor of his son, Victor Emmanuel, who was destined before many years to become king of Italy.

[Sidenote: Austria restablishes the former conditions in Italy, except in Piedmont.]

After bringing the king of Sardinia to terms, Austria pushed southward, restablishing the old order as she went. The ephemeral Italian republics were unable to offer any effectual resistance. The former rulers were restored in Rome, Tuscany, and Venice, and the constitutions were swept away from one end of the peninsula to the other, except in Piedmont, the most important part of the king of Sardinia's realms. There Victor Emmanuel not only maintained the representative government introduced by his father, but, by summoning to his councils d'Azeglio and others known throughout Italy for their liberal sentiments, he prepared to lead Italy once more against her foreign oppressors.

[Sidenote: Question of the extent of the proposed union.]

[Sidenote: Impossibility of a German state which should include both Austria and Prussia.]

267. In Germany, as elsewhere, Austria profited by the dissensions among her opponents. On May 18, 1848, the National Assembly, consisting of nearly six hundred representatives of the German people, had met at Frankfurt. It immediately began the consideration of a new constitution that should satisfy the popular longings for a great free German state, to be governed by and for the people. But what were to be the confines of this new German state? The confederation of 1815 did not include all the German inhabitants of Prussia, and did include the heterogeneous western possessions of Austria,—Bohemia and Moravia, for example, where a great part of the people were Slavs. There was no hesitation in deciding that all the Prussian territories should be admitted to the new union. As it appeared impossible to exclude Austria altogether, the Assembly agreed to include those parts of her territory which had belonged to the confederation formed in 1815. This decision rendered the task of founding a real German state practically impossible; for the new union was to include two great European powers who might at any moment become rivals, since Prussia would hardly consent to be led forever by Austria. So heterogeneous a union could only continue to be, as it had been, a loose confederation of practically independent princes.

[Sidenote: The Assembly at Frankfurt gives Austria time to recover.]

The improbability that the Assembly at Frankfurt would succeed in its undertaking was greatly increased by its unwise conduct. Instead of proceeding immediately to frame a new form of government, it devoted several months to the formulation of the general rights of the German citizen. This gave a fine opportunity to the theorists, of which there were many in the Assembly, to ventilate their views, and by the time that the constitution itself came up for discussion, Austria had begun to regain her influence and was ready to lead the conservative forces once more. She could rely upon the support of the rulers of South Germany, for they were well satisfied with the old confederation and the independence that it gave them.

[Sidenote: The Assembly asks the king of Prussia to become emperor of Germany.]

[Sidenote: Frederick William IV refuses the imperial crown.]

In spite of her partiality for the old union, Austria could not prevent the Assembly from completing its new constitution. This provided that there should be an hereditary emperor at the head of the government, and that exalted office was tendered to the king of Prussia. Frederick William IV had been alienated from the liberal cause, which he had at first espoused, by an insurrection in Berlin. He was, moreover, timid and conservative at heart; he hated revolution and doubted if the National Assembly had any right to confer the imperial title. He also greatly respected Austria, and felt that a war with her, which was likely to ensue if he accepted the crown, would not only be dangerous to Prussia, since Francis Joseph could rely upon the assistance of the Tsar, but dishonorable as well, in Austria's present embarrassment. So he refused the honor of the imperial title and announced his rejection of the new constitution (April, 1849).

[Sidenote: The National Assembly disperses and the old diet is restored.]

This decision rendered the year's work of the National Assembly fruitless, and its members gradually dispersed, with the exception of the radicals, who made a last desperate effort to found a republic. Austria now insisted upon the restablishment of the old diet, and nearly came to war with Prussia over the policy to be pursued. Hostilities were only averted by the ignominious submission of Prussia to the demands of Schwarzenberg in 1851.

[Sidenote: Results of the revolutions of 1848.]

While the revolutions of 1848 seem futile enough when viewed from the standpoint of the hopes of March, they left some important indications of progress. The king of Prussia had granted his country a constitution, which, with some modifications, has served Prussia down to the present day. Piedmont also had obtained a constitution. The internal reforms, moreover, which these countries speedily introduced, prepared them to head once more, and this time with success, a movement for national unity.

It will be noted that the revolution of 1848 aimed to do more than the French Revolution of 1789. Not only was the national question everywhere an important one, but there were plans for the economic reorganization of society. It was no longer simply a matter of abolishing the remnants of feudalism and insuring equal rights to all and the participation of the more prosperous classes in the government. Those who lived by the labor of their hands and were employed in the vast industries that had developed with the application of steam machinery to manufacture also had their spokesmen. The relation of the state to the industrial classes, and of capital to labor, had become, as they still are, the great problems of modern times.

[Sidenote: Decline of Austrian influence after 1851.]

In 1851 Austria had once more, in spite of the greatest obstacles, established the system of Metternich. But this victory was of short duration, and it was her last. Five years later the encroachments of Russia in Turkey brought on the Crimean War, of which something will be said later. In this war Austria observed an inglorious neutrality; she thereby sacrificed much of her prestige with both Russia and the western powers, and encouraged renewed attempts to free both Italy and Germany from her control.

[Sidenote: Development of Piedmont under Cavour.]

268. Under Victor Emmanuel and his great minister, Cavour, Piedmont had rapidly developed into a modern state. It sent a contingent to the aid of the western powers in the Crimean War waged by France and England against Russia (1853-1856); it developed its resources, military and economic, and at last found an ally to help it in a new attempt to expel Austria from Italy.

[Sidenote: Position and policy of Napoleon III.]

Napoleon III, like his far more distinguished uncle, was a usurper. He knew that he could not rely upon mere tradition, but must maintain his popularity by deeds that should redound to the glory of France. A war with Austria for the liberation of the Italians, who like the French were a Latin race, would be popular; especially if France could thereby add a bit of territory to her realms, and perhaps become the protector of the proposed Italian confederation. A conference was arranged between Napoleon and Cavour. Just what agreement was reached we do not know, but Napoleon no doubt engaged to come to the aid of the king of Sardinia, should the latter find a pretense for going to war with Austria. Should they together succeed in expelling Austria from northern Italy, the king of Sardinia was to reward France by ceding to her Savoy and Nice, which both geographically and racially belonged to her.



[Sidenote: Victories of Victor Emmanuel and Napoleon III over Austria.]

By April, 1859, Victor Emmanuel had managed to involve himself in a war with Austria. The French army promptly joined forces with the Piedmontese, defeated the Austrians at Magenta, and on June 8, Napoleon III and Victor Emmanuel entered Milan amid the rejoicings of the people. The Austrians managed the campaign very badly, and were again defeated at Solferino (June 24).

[Sidenote: Napoleon III alarmed by the Italian successes.]

Suddenly Europe was astonished to hear that a truce had been concluded, and that the preliminaries of a peace had been arranged which left Venetia in Austria's hands, in spite of Napoleon III's boast that he would free Italy to the Adriatic. The French emperor had begun to fear that, with the growing enthusiasm which was showing itself throughout the peninsula for Piedmont, there was danger that it might succeed in forming a national kingdom so strong as to need no French protector. By leaving Venetia in possession of Austria, and agreeing that Piedmont should only be increased by the incorporation of Lombardy and the little duchies of Parma and Modena, Napoleon III hoped to prevent the consolidation of Italy from proceeding too far.

[Sidenote: The formation of a kingdom of Italy, 1860.]

He had, however, precipitated changes which he was powerless to check. Italy was now ready to fuse into a single state. Tuscany, as well as Modena and Parma, voted (March, 1860) to unite with Piedmont. Garibaldi, a famous republican leader, sailed for Sicily, where he assumed the dictatorship of the island in the name of Victor Emmanuel, "King of Italy." After expelling the troops of the king of Naples from Sicily, he crossed to the mainland, and early in September he entered Naples itself, just as the king fled from his capital.

[Sidenote: Napoleon III intervenes to prevent the annexation of Rome to the kingdom of Italy.]

Garibaldi now proposed to march on Rome and proclaim the kingdom of Italy from the Quirinal. This would have imperiled all the previous gains, for Napoleon III could not, in view of the strong Catholic sentiment in France, possibly permit the occupation of Rome and the destruction of the political independence of the pope. He agreed that Victor Emmanuel might annex the outlying papal possessions to the north and restablish a stable government in Naples instead of Garibaldi's dictatorship. But Rome, the imperial city, with the territory immediately surrounding it, must be left to its old master. Victor Emmanuel accordingly marched southward and occupied Naples (October). Its king capitulated and all southern Italy became a part of the kingdom of Italy.

In February, 1861, the first Italian parliament was opened at Turin, and the process of really amalgamating the heterogeneous portions of the new kingdom began. Yet the joy of the Italians over the realization of their hopes of unity and national independence was tempered by the fact that Austria still held one of the most famous of the Italian provinces, and that Rome, which typified Italy's former grandeur, was not included in the new kingdom. Within a decade, however, both these districts became a part of the kingdom of Italy through the action of Prussia. William I and his extraordinary minister and adviser, Bismarck, were about to do for Germany what Victor Emmanuel and Cavour had accomplished for Italy.[450]

[Sidenote: William I of Prussia, 1861-1888.]

269. With the accession of William I in 1858,[451] a new era dawned for Prussia. A practical and vigorous man had come into power, whose great aim was to expel Austria from the German Confederation, and out of the remaining states to construct a firm union, under the leadership of Prussia, which should take its place among the most powerful of the states of Europe. He saw that war would come sooner or later, and his first business was to develop the military resources of his realms.

[Sidenote: William I's plan for strengthening the army.]

The German army, which was the outgrowth of the early reforms of William I, is so extraordinary a feature of the Europe of to-day, that its organization merits attention. The war of independence against Napoleon in 1813 had led to the summoning of the nation to arms, and a law was passed in Prussia making military service a universal obligation of every healthy male citizen. The first thing that William I did was to increase the annual levy from forty to sixty thousand men, and to see that all the soldiers remained in active service three years. They then passed into the reserve, according to the existing law, where for two years more they remained ready at any time to take up arms should it be necessary. William wished to increase the term of service in the reserve to four years. In this way the state would claim seven of the years of early manhood and have an effective army of four hundred thousand, which would permit it to dispense with the service of those who were approaching middle life. The lower house of the Prussian parliament refused, however, to make the necessary appropriations for increasing the strength of the army.

[Sidenote: Bismarck and his struggle with the Prussian parliament.]

The king proceeded, nevertheless, with his plan, and in 1862 called to his side one of the most extraordinary statesmen of modern times, Bismarck. The new minister conceived a scheme for laying Austria low and exalting Prussia, which he succeeded in carrying out with startling precision. He could not, however, reveal it to the lower chamber; he would, indeed, scarcely hint its nature to the king himself. In defiance of the lower house and of the newspapers, he carried on the strengthening of the army without formal appropriations, on the theory that the constitution had not provided for a dead-lock between the upper and lower house, and that consequently the king might exercise, in such a case, his former absolute power. For a time it seemed as if Prussia was returning to a pure despotism, for there was assuredly no more fundamental provision of the constitution than the right of the people to control the granting of the taxes. Yet Bismarck was eventually fully exonerated by public opinion, and it was generally agreed that the end had amply justified the means.

[Sidenote: The Schleswig-Holstein affair.]

270. Prussia now had a military force that appeared to justify the hope of victory should she undertake a war with her old rival. In order to bring about the expulsion of Austria from the confederation, Bismarck took advantage of a knotty problem that had been troubling Germany, and which was known as the Schleswig-Holstein affair. The provinces of Schleswig and Holstein, although inhabited largely by Germans, had for centuries belonged to the king of Denmark. They were allowed, however, to retain their provincial assemblies, and were not considered a part of Denmark any more than Hanover was a part of Great Britain in the last century.

In 1847, just when the growing idea of nationality was about to express itself in the Revolution of 1848, the king of Denmark proclaimed that he was going to make these German provinces an integral part of the Danish kingdom. This aroused great indignation throughout Germany, especially as Holstein was a member of the confederation. Frederick William IV consented to go to war with Denmark, but only succeeded in delaying for a few years the proposed absorption of the provinces by Denmark. The constant encroachments of the government at Copenhagen upon the privileges claimed by Schleswig-Holstein aroused new apprehension and much discontent. In 1863 Schleswig was finally incorporated into the Danish kingdom.

[Sidenote: Bismarck's audacious plan for the expulsion of Austria from Germany.]

"From this time the history of Germany is the history of the profound and audacious statecraft and of the overmastering will of Bismarck; the nation, except through its valour on the battlefield, ceases to influence the shaping of its own fortunes. What the German people desired in 1864 was that Schleswig-Holstein should be attached, under a ruler of its own, to the German Federation as it then existed; what Bismarck intended was that Schleswig-Holstein, itself incorporated more or less directly with Prussia, should be made the means of the destruction of the existing Federal system and of the expulsion of Austria from Germany.... The German people desired one course of action; Bismarck had determined on something totally different; with matchless resolution and skill he bore down all the opposition of people and of the [European] courts, and forced a reluctant nation to the goal which he himself had chosen for it" (Fyffe).



[Sidenote: The working out of the plan.]

Bismarck's first step was to invite Austria to coperate with Prussia in settling the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty. As Denmark refused to make any concessions, the two powers declared war, defeated the Danish army, and forced the king of Denmark to cede Schleswig-Holstein to the rulers of Prussia and Austria jointly (October, 1864). They were to make such disposition of the provinces as they saw fit. There was now no trouble in picking a quarrel with Austria. Bismarck suggested the nominal independence of the duchies, but that they should become practically a part of Prussia. This plan was of course indignantly rejected by Austria, and it was arranged that, pending an adjustment, Austria should govern Holstein, and Prussia, Schleswig.

[Sidenote: Prussia declares the German Confederation dissolved.]

Bismarck now obtained the secret assurance of Napoleon III that he would not interfere if Prussia and Italy should go to war with Austria. In April, 1866, Italy agreed that, should the king of Prussia take up arms during the following three months with the aim of reforming the German union, it too would immediately declare war on Austria, with the hope, of course, of obtaining Venice. The relations between Austria and Prussia grew more and more strained, until finally in June, 1866, Austria induced the diet to call out the forces of the confederation with a view of making war on Prussia. This act the representative of Prussia declared put an end to the existing union. He accordingly submitted to the diet Prussia's scheme for the reformation of Germany and withdrew from the diet.

[Sidenote: War declared between Prussia and Austria.]

271. On June 12 war was declared between Austria and Prussia. With the exception of Mecklenburg and the small states of the north, all Germany sided with Austria against Prussia. Bismarck immediately demanded of the rulers of the larger North German states—Hanover, Saxony, and Hesse-Cassel—that they stop their warlike preparations and agree to accept Prussia's plan of reform. On their refusal, Prussian troops immediately occupied these territories, and war actually began.

[Sidenote: Prussia victorious.]

So admirable was the organization of the Prussian army that, in spite of the suspicion and even hatred which the liberal party in Prussia entertained for the despotic Bismarck, all resistance on the part of the states of the north was promptly prevented, Austria was miserably defeated on July 3 in the decisive battle of Kniggrtz, or Sadowa,[452] and within three weeks after the breaking off of diplomatic relations the war was practically over. Austria's influence was at an end, and Prussia had won her right to do with Germany as she pleased.

[Sidenote: The North German Federation.]

Prussia was aware that the larger states south of the Main River were not ripe for the union that she desired. She therefore organized a so-called North German Federation, which included all the states north of the Main. Prussia had seized the opportunity considerably to increase her own boundaries and round out her territory by annexing the North German states, with the exception of Saxony, that had gone to war with her. Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the free city of Frankfurt, along with the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, all became Prussian.

[Sidenote: Requirements of the proposed constitution.]

Prussia, thus enlarged, summoned the lesser states about her to confer upon a constitution that should accomplish four ends. First, it must give all the people of the territory included in the new union, regardless of the particular state in which they lived, a voice in the government. A popular assembly satisfied this demand. Secondly, the predominating position of Prussia must be secured, but at the same time (thirdly) the self-respect of the other monarchs whose lands were included must not be sacrificed. In order to accomplish this double purpose the king of Prussia was made president of the federation but not its sovereign. The chief governing body was the Federal Council (Bundesrath). In this each ruler, however small his state, and each of the three free towns—Hamburg, Bremen, and Lbeck—had at least one vote; in this way it was arranged that the other rulers did not become subjects of the king of Prussia. The real sovereign of the North German Federation and of the present German empire is not the king of Prussia, but "all of the united governments." The votes were distributed as in the old diet, so that Prussia, with the votes of the states that she annexed in 1860, enjoyed seventeen votes out of forty-three. Lastly, the constitution must be so arranged that when the time came for the southern states—Bavaria, Wrtemberg, Baden, and south Hesse—to join the union, it would be adapted to the needs of the widened empire.

The union was a true federation like that of the United States, although its organization violated many of the rules which were observed in the organization of the American union. It was inevitable that a union spontaneously developed from a group of sovereign monarchies, with their traditions of absolutism, would be very different from one in which the members, like the states of the American union, had previously been governed by republican institutions.

[Sidenote: Disappointment of the hopes of Napoleon III.]

272. No one was more chagrined by the abrupt termination of the war of 1866 and the victory of Prussia than Napoleon III. He had hoped that both the combatants might be weakened by a long struggle, and that at last he might have an opportunity to arbitrate and incidentally to gain something for France, as had happened after the Italian war. But Prussia came out of the conflict with greatly increased power and territory, while France had gained nothing. An effort of Napoleon's to get a foothold in Mexico had failed, owing to the recovery of the United States from the Civil War and their warning that they should regard his continued intervention there as an hostile act.[453] His hopes of annexing Luxembourg as an offset for the gains that Prussia had made, were also frustrated.

[Sidenote: France declares war upon Prussia, July 19, 1870.]

One course remained for the French usurper, namely, to permit himself to be forced into a war against the power which had especially roused the jealousy of France. Never was an excuse offered for war more trivial than that advanced by the French,[454] never did retribution come more speedily. The hostility which the South German states had hitherto shown toward Prussia encouraged Napoleon III to believe that so soon as the French troops should gain their first victory, Bavaria, Wrtemberg, and Baden would join him. That first victory was never won. War had no sooner been declared than the Germans laid all jealousy aside and ranged themselves as a nation against a national assailant. The French army, moreover, was neither well equipped nor well commanded. The Germans hastened across the Rhine, and within a few days were driving the French before them. In a series of bloody encounters about Metz, one of the French armies was defeated and finally shut up within the fortifications about the town. Seven weeks had not elapsed after the beginning of the war, before the Germans had captured a second French army and made a prisoner of the emperor himself in the great battle of Sedan, September 1, 1870.[455]

[Sidenote: Siege of Paris and close of Franco-Prussian War.]

[Sidenote: Cession of Alsace and Lorraine to Germany.]

The Germans then surrounded and laid siege to Paris. Napoleon III had been completely discredited by the disasters about Metz and at Sedan, and consequently the empire was abolished and France for the third time was declared a republic. In spite of the energy which the new government showed in arousing the French against the invaders, prolonged resistance was impossible. The capital surrendered January 28, 1871, and an armistice was arranged. Bismarck, who had been by no means reluctant to go to war, deeply humiliated France, in arranging the treaty of peace, by requiring the cession of two French provinces which had formerly belonged to Germany,—Alsace and northeastern Lorraine.[456] In this way France was cut off from the Rhine, and the crest of the Vosges Mountains was established as its boundary. The Germans exacted, further, an enormous indemnity for the unjustifiable attack which the French had made upon them. This was fixed at five billion francs, and German troops were to occupy France till it was paid. The French people made pathetic sacrifices to hasten the payment of this indemnity, in order that the country might be freed from the presence of the hated Germans. The bitter feeling of the French for the Germans dates from this war, and the longing for revenge still shows itself. For many years after the war a statue in Paris, representing the lost city of Strasburg, was draped in mourning.

[Sidenote: The insurrection of the Paris commune of 1871.]

Immediately after the surrender of Paris the new republican government had been called upon to subdue a terrible insurrection of the Parisian populace. The insurgents restablished the commune of the Reign of Terror, and rather than let Paris come again into the hands of the national government, they proposed to burn the city. When, after two months of disorder, their forces were completely routed in a series of bloody street fights, the city was actually set on fire; but only two important public buildings were destroyed,—the Palace of the Tuilleries and the city hall.

[Sidenote: The French constitutional laws of 1875.]

A National Assembly had been elected by the people in February, 1871, to make peace with Germany and to draw up a new constitution. Under this temporary government France gradually recovered from the terrible loss and demoralization caused by the war. There was much uncertainty for several years as to just what form the constitution would permanently take, for the largest party in the National Assembly was composed of those who favored the restablishment of a monarchy.[457] Those who advocated maintaining the republic prevailed, however, and in 1875 the assembly passed a series of three laws organizing the government. These have since served France as a constitution.

[Sidenote: Character of the present French republic.]

While France is nominally a republic with a president at its head, its government closely resembles that of a limited monarchy like Belgium. This is not strange, since the monarchists were in the majority when its constitutional laws were passed. The French government of to-day is therefore a compromise, and since all attempts to overthrow it have proved vain, we may assume that it is suited to the wants of the nation.

[Sidenote: Permanent character of the French government in spite of changes in the constitution.]

As one reviews the history of France since the establishment of the first republic in 1792, it appears as if revolutionary changes of government had been very frequent. As a matter of fact, the various revolutions produced far less change in the system of government than is usually supposed. They neither called in question the main provisions of the Declaration of the Rights of Man drawn up in 1789, nor did they materially alter the system of administration which was established by Napoleon immediately after his accession in 1800. So long as the latter was retained, the civil rights and equality of all citizens secured, and the representatives of the nation permitted to control the ruler, it really made little difference whether France was called an empire, a constitutional monarchy, or a republic.

[Sidenote: Final unification of Germany.]

[Sidenote: Proclamation of the German empire, January 18, 1871.]

273. The attack of France upon Prussia in 1870, instead of hindering the development of Germany as Napoleon III had hoped it would, only served to consummate the work of 1866. The South German states,—Bavaria, Wrtemberg, Baden, and south Hesse—having sent their troops to fight side by side with the Prussian forces, consented after their common victory over France to join the North German Federation. Surrounded by the German princes, William, King of Prussia and President of the North German Federation, was proclaimed German Emperor in the palace of Versailles, January, 1871. In this way the present German empire came into existence. With its wonderfully organized army and its mighty chancellor, Bismarck, it immediately took a leading place among the western powers of Europe.



[Sidenote: Predominance of Prussia in the present German empire.]

The constitution of the North German Federation had been drawn up with the hope that the southern states would later become a part of the union; consequently, little change was necessary when the empire was established. The king of Prussia enjoys the title of German Emperor, and is the real head of the federation. He is not, however, emperor of Germany, for the sovereignty is vested, theoretically, not in him, but in the body of German rulers who are members of the union, all of whom send their representatives to the Federal Council (Bundesrath). Prussia's influence in the Federal Council is, however, secured by assigning her king a sufficient number of votes to enable him to block any measure he wishes.



[Sidenote: Rome added to the kingdom of Italy, 1870.]

The unification of Italy was completed, like that of Germany, by the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. After the war of 1866 Austria had ceded Venetia to Italy. Napoleon III had, however, sent French troops in 1867 to prevent Garibaldi from seizing Rome and the neighboring districts, which had been held by the head of the Catholic church for more than a thousand years. In August, 1870, the reverses of the war compelled Napoleon to recall the French garrison from Rome, and the pope made little effort to defend his capital against the Italian army, which occupied it in September. The people of Rome voted by an overwhelming majority to join the kingdom of Italy; and the work of Victor Emmanuel and Cavour was consummated by transferring the capital to the Eternal City.

[Sidenote: Position of the pope.]

Although the papal possessions were declared a part of the kingdom of Italy, a law was passed which guaranteed to the pope the rank and privileges of a sovereign prince. He was to have his own ambassadors and court like the other European powers. No officer of the Italian government was to enter the Lateran or Vatican palaces upon any official mission. As head of the church, the pope was to be entirely independent of the king of Italy, and the bishops were not required to take the oath of allegiance to the government. A sum of over six hundred thousand dollars annually was also appropriated to aid the pope in defraying his expenses. The pope, however, refused to recognize the arrangement. He still regards himself as a prisoner, and the Italian government as a usurper who has robbed him of his possessions. He has never accepted the income assigned to him, and still maintains that the independence which he formerly enjoyed as ruler of the Papal States is essential to the best interests of the head of a great international church.[458]

[Sidenote: Southeastern Europe.]

274. To complete the survey of the great political changes of the nineteenth century, we must turn for a moment to southeastern Europe. The disposal of the European lands occupied by the Turks has proved a very knotty international question. We have seen how the Turks were expelled from Hungary by the end of the seventeenth century, and how Peter the Great and his successors began to dream of acquiring Constantinople as a Russian outpost which would enable the Tsar to command the eastern Mediterranean.[459] Catherine II (1762-1796) had extended the Russian boundary to the Black Sea. On the whole, however, the Turks held their own pretty well during the eighteenth century, but the nineteenth witnessed the disruption of European Turkey into a number of new and independent Christian states.

[Sidenote: Servia and Greece revolt from the Sultan.]

The Servians first revolted successfully against their oppressors, and forced the Sultan (1817) to permit them to manage their own affairs, although he did not grant them absolute independence. Of the war of independence which the Greeks waged against the Turks (1821-1829) something has already been said.[460] The intervention of Russia, England, and France saved the insurgents from defeat, and in 1829 the Porte recognized the independence of Greece, which became a constitutional monarchy. The Turkish government also pledged itself to allow vessels of all nations to pass freely through the Dardanelles and the Bosporus.

[Sidenote: The Crimean War, 1853-1856.]

[Sidenote: Origin of the principality of Roumania, 1859.]

Inasmuch as a great part of the peoples still under Turkish rule in Europe were—like the Russians—Slavs and adherents of the Greek church, Russia believed that it had the best right to protect the Christians within the Sultan's dominions from the atrocious misgovernment of the Mohammedans. When in 1853 news reached the Tsar that the Turks were troubling Christian pilgrims, he demanded that he be permitted to assume a protectorate over all the Christians in Turkey. This the Porte refused to grant. Russia declared war and destroyed the Turkish fleet in the Black Sea. The English government looked with apprehension upon the advance of the Russians. It felt that it would be disastrous to western Europe if Russia were permitted to occupy the well-nigh impregnable Constantinople and send its men-of-war freely about the Mediterranean. England therefore induced Napoleon III to combine with her to protect the Sultan's possessions. The English and French troops easily defeated the Russians, landed in the Crimea, and then laid siege to Sevastopol, an important Russian fortress on the Black Sea. Sevastopol fell after a long and terrible siege, and the so-called Crimean War came to a close. The intervention of the western powers had prevented the capture of Constantinople by the Russians, but very soon the powers recognized the practical independence of two important Turkish provinces on the lower Danube, which were united in 1859 into the principality of Roumania.

[Sidenote: Revolt of Bosnia, 1875.]

The Turkish subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina naturally envied the happier lot of the neighboring Servians, who had escaped from the bondage of the Turks. These provinces were stirred to revolt in 1875, when the Turks, after collecting the usual heavy taxes, immediately demanded the same amount over again. The oppressed Christians proposed to escape Turkish tyranny by becoming a part of Servia. They naturally relied upon the aid of Russia to carry out their plans. The insurrection spread among the other Christian subjects of the Sultan, especially those in Bulgaria.

[Sidenote: The Bulgarian atrocities.]

Here the Turks wreaked vengeance upon the insurgents by atrocities which filled Europe with horror and disgust. In a single town six thousand of the seven thousand inhabitants were massacred with incredible cruelty, and scores of villages were burned. Russia, joined by Roumania, thereupon declared war upon the Porte (1877). The Turks were defeated, but western Europe would not permit the questions at issue to be settled without its approval. Consequently, a congress was called at Berlin under the presidency of Bismarck, which included representatives from Germany, Austria, Russia, England, France, Italy, and Turkey.

[Sidenote: The Congress of Berlin (1878) and the eastern question.]

The Congress of Berlin determined that Montenegro, Servia, and Roumania should thereafter be altogether independent. The latter two became kingdoms within a few years, Roumania in 1881 and Servia in 1882. Bosnia and Herzegovina,[461] instead of becoming a part of Servia, as they wished, were to be occupied and administered by Austria, although the Sultan remained their nominal sovereign. Bulgaria received a Christian government, but was forced to continue to recognize the Sultan as its sovereign and pay him tribute.[462]

To-day the once wide dominions of the Sultan in Europe are reduced to the city of Constantinople and a strip of mountainous country stretching westward to the Adriatic.

General Reading.—In addition to the works of Andrews and Fyffe referred to in the footnotes, the following are excellent short accounts of the political history of Europe since 1815. W.A. PHILLIPS, Modern Europe (The Macmillan Company, $1.50); SEIGNOBOS, Political History of Europe since 1814, carefully edited by MacVane (Henry Holt & Co., $3.00), and the readable but partisan German work of Mller, Political History of Recent Times (American Book Company, $2.00). For Germany: MUNROE SMITH, Bismarck and German Unity (The Macmillan Company, $1.00) and KUNO FRANCKE, History of German Literature as determined by Social Forces (Henry Holt & Co., $2.50). For Italy: THAYER, Dawn of Italian Independence (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 2 vols., $4.00); STILLMAN, Union of Italy (The Macmillan Company, $1.60); COUNTESS CESARESCO, Liberation of Italy (Charles Scribner's Sons, $1.75) and her Cavour (The Macmillan Company, 75 cents). For England: MCCARTHY, History of our Own Times (issued by various publishers, e.g., Coates & Co., 2 vols., $1.50).



CHAPTER XLI

EUROPE OF TO-DAY

275. The scholars and learned men of the Middle Ages were but little interested in the world about them. They devoted far more attention to philosophy and theology than to what we should call the natural sciences. They were satisfied in the main to get their knowledge of nature from reading the works of the ancients, above all of Aristotle. Roger Bacon, as we have seen, protested against the exaggerated veneration for books. He foresaw that a careful examination of the things about us,—like water, air, light, animals and plants,—would lead to important and useful discoveries which would greatly benefit mankind.

[Sidenote: Modern scientific methods of discovering truth.]

[Sidenote: Experimentation.]

He advocated three methods of reaching truth which are now followed by all scientific men. In the first place, he proposed that natural objects and changes should be examined with great care, in order that the observer might determine exactly what happened in any given case. This has led in modern times to incredibly refined measurements and analysis. The chemist, for example, can now determine the exact nature and amount of every substance in a cup of impure water, which may appear perfectly limpid to the casual observer. Then, secondly, Roger Bacon advocated experimentation. He was not contented with mere observation of what actually happened, but tried new and artificial combinations and processes. Nowadays experimentation is constantly used by scientific investigators, and by means of it they discover many things which the most careful observation would never reveal. Thirdly, in order to carry on investigation and make careful measurements and the desired experiments, apparatus designed for the special purpose of discovering truth was necessary. As early as the thirteenth century it was found, for example, that a convex crystal or bit of glass would magnify objects, although several centuries elapsed before the microscope and telescope were devised.

[Sidenote: Astrology grows into astronomy.]

The progress of scientific discovery was hastened, strangely enough, by two grave misapprehensions. In the Middle Ages even the most intelligent believed that the heavenly bodies influenced the fate of mankind; consequently, that a careful observation of the position of the planets at the time of a child's birth would make it possible to forecast his life. In the same way important enterprises were only to be undertaken when the influence of the stars was auspicious. Physicians believed that the efficacy of their medicines depended upon the position of the planets. This whole subject of the influence of the stars upon human affairs was called astrology, and was in some cases taught in the medival universities. Those who examined the stars gradually came, however, to the conclusion that the movements of the planets had no effect upon humanity; but the facts which the astrologers had discovered through careful observation became the basis of modern astronomy.

[Sidenote: Alchemy grows into chemistry.]

In the same way chemistry developed out of the medival study of alchemy. The first experimentation with chemicals was carried on with the hope of producing gold by some happy combination of less valuable metals. But finally, after learning more about the nature of chemical compounds, it was discovered that gold was an element, or simple substance, and consequently could not be formed by combinations of other substances.

[Sidenote: Discovery that the universe follows natural laws.]

In short, observation and experimentation were leading to the most fundamental of all scientific discoveries, namely, the conviction that all the things about us follow certain natural, immutable laws. The modern scientific investigator devotes a great part of his attention to the discovery of these laws and their application. He has given up any hope of reading man's fate in the stars or of producing any results by magical combinations. Unlike the medival writers, he hesitates to accept as true the reports which reach him of miracles, that is, of exceptions to the general laws, because he is convinced that the natural laws have been found to work regularly in every instance where they have been carefully observed. His study of the natural laws has, however, enabled him to produce far more marvelous results than those reported of the medival magician.

[Sidenote: Galileo's telescope.]

276. In a previous chapter the progress of science for three hundred years after Roger Bacon has been briefly noted.[463] With the exception of Copernicus the investigators of this period are scarcely known to us. In the seventeenth century, however, progress became very rapid and has been steadily accelerating since. In astronomy, for example, the truths which had been only suspected by earlier astronomers were demonstrated to the eye by Galileo (1564-1642). By means of a little telescope, which was hardly so powerful as the best modern opera glasses, he discovered (in 1610) the spots on the sun. These made it plain that the sun was revolving on its axis as astronomers were already convinced that the earth revolved. He saw, too, that the moons of Jupiter were revolving about their planet in the same way that the planets revolve about the sun.

[Sidenote: Sir Isaac Newton and his discovery of the law of universal gravitation.]

The year that Galileo died, the famous English mathematician, Sir Isaac Newton, was born (1642-1727). He carried on the work of earlier astronomers by the application of higher mathematics, and proved that the force of attraction which we call gravitation was a universal one, and that the sun and the moon and the earth, and all the heavenly bodies, are attracted to one another inversely as the square of the distance.

[Sidenote: Development of the microscope.]

While the telescope aided the astronomer, the microscope contributed far more to the extension of practical knowledge. Rude and simple microscopes were used with advantage as early as the seventeenth century. Leeuwenhoek, a Dutch linen merchant, so far improved his lenses that he discovered the blood corpuscles and (1665) the "animalcul" or minute organisms of various kinds found in pond water and elsewhere. The microscope has been rapidly perfected since the introduction of better kinds of lenses early in the nineteenth century, so that it is now possible to magnify minute objects to more than two thousand times their diameters.

[Sidenote: Advance in medical science.]

This has produced the most extraordinary advance in medicine and biology. It has made it possible to determine the difference between healthy and diseased tissue; and not many years ago the microscope revealed the fact that the bodies of animals and men are the home of excessively small organisms called bacteria, some of which, through the poisonous substances they give out, cause disease. The modern treatment of many maladies, such as consumption, diphtheria, scarlet fever, and typhoid, is based upon this momentous discovery. The success of surgical operations has also been rendered far more secure than formerly by the so-called antiseptic measures which are now taken to prevent the development of bacteria.[464]

[Sidenote: Scientific discovery and invention did not affect daily life before the end of the eighteenth century.]

277. The discoveries of the scientist and of the mathematician did not begin to be applied to the affairs of daily life until about a hundred and fifty years ago. No new ways had previously been discovered for traveling from place to place. Spinning and weaving were still carried on as they had been before the barbarians overran the Roman Empire. Iron, of which we now make our machines, could only be prepared for use expensively and in small quantities by means of charcoal and bellows.

[Sidenote: The 'domestic system' of manufacture.]

Manufacture still meant, as it did in the original Latin (manu facere), to make by hand. Artisans carried on their trade with their own tools in their own homes, or in small shops, like the cobbler of to-day. Instead of working with hundreds of others in a great factory and being entirely dependent upon his wages, the artisan, in England at least, was often able to give some attention to a small garden plot from which he derived a part of his support. This "domestic system" was displaced by factories, as the result of a series of mechanical inventions made in England during the latter half of the eighteenth century. Through them machinery was substituted for hand and foot power and for the simple implements which had served the world for centuries.

[Sidenote: Cheap iron and adequate power essential to the development of machinery.]

[Sidenote: Watt invents the steam engine.]

In order that machinery should develop and become widely useful, two things were necessary. In the first place, there must be some strong material available of which to make the machines; for that purpose iron and steel have, with few exceptions, proved to be the best. In the second place, some adequate power must be found to propel the machinery, which is ordinarily too heavy to be run by hand or foot power. This necessary motive power was discovered in steam. The steam engine was devised by James Watt, an English inventor of great ingenuity. He invented a cylinder containing a piston, which could be forced back and forth by the introduction of steam. His progress was much retarded by the inability of the mechanics of his time to make an accurate cylinder of sufficient size, but in the year 1777 the new machine was successfully used for pumping. A few years later (1785) he arranged his engine so that it would turn a wheel. In this way, for the first time, steam could be used to run machinery—the spindles, for example, in a cotton mill.

[Sidenote: Steam used for spinning and weaving.]

A few years before Watt completed his improved steam engine, the old spinning wheel had been supplanted by the modern system, in which the thread is drawn out by means of spindles revolving at different rates of speed. The spindles, which had at first been run by water power, could now be propelled by steam. The old loom had also been improved, and weaving by steam began to become general after the year 1800.

[Sidenote: Use of steam cheapens iron.]

[Sidenote: New method of producing steel.]

Machinery, however, could not become common so long as iron and steel were expensive. The first use, therefore, to which the crude steam engines were put was to furnish a blast which enabled the iron smelter to employ coal instead of charcoal to fuse the iron ore (1777). Moreover, the steam pumps made it possible for the miners to pump out the water which impeded their work in the mines, and in this way cheapened both the iron and the coal. Soon the so-called "puddling furnace" was invented, by means of which steel was produced much more economically than it could be earlier. Rolling mills run by steam then took the place of the hammers with which the steel had formerly been beaten into shape. These discoveries of the use of steam and coal and iron revolutionized the life of the people at large in western Europe more quickly than any of the events which have been previously recorded in this volume. It is the aim of the remainder of this chapter to indicate very briefly the variety and importance of the effects produced by modern inventions.[465]

[Sidenote: Domestic industry supplanted by the factory system.]

278. Machinery although very efficient was expensive, and had necessarily to be near the boilers which produced the steam. Consequently machines for particular purposes were grouped in factories, and the workmen left their homes and gathered in large establishments. The hand worker with his old tools was more and more at a disadvantage compared with the workman who produced commodities by machinery. The result was inevitable, namely, that domestic industry was supplanted by the factory.

[Sidenote: Advantages of machinery.]

[Sidenote: Division of labor.]

One of the principal advantages of the factory system is that it makes possible a minute division of labor. Instead of giving his time and thought to the whole process, each worker concentrates his attention upon one single step of the process, and by repeating a simple set of motions over and over again acquires wonderful dexterity. At the same time the period of necessary apprenticeship is shortened under the factory system, because each separate task is comparatively simple. Moreover, the invention of new machinery is increased, because the very subdivision of the process into simple steps often suggests some way of substituting mechanical motion for the motion of the human hand.

[Sidenote: Examples of the increased production of goods by machinery.]

An example of the greatly increased output rendered possible by the use of machinery and division of labor is given by the distinguished Scotch economist, Adam Smith, whose great work, The Wealth of Nations, appeared in 1776. Speaking of the manufacture of a pin in his own time, Adam Smith says: "To make the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on is a peculiar business, to whiten the pin is another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper, and the important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations." By this division, he adds, ten persons can make among them upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day. A recent writer reports that now an English machine makes one hundred and eighty pins a minute, cutting the wire, flattening the heads, sharpening the points, and dropping the pin into its proper place. In a single factory which he visited seven million pins were made in a day, and three men were all that were required to manage the mechanism.

Another example of modern mechanical work is found in printing. For several centuries after the development of that art the type was set up by hand, inked by hand, each sheet of paper was laid by hand upon the type and then printed by means of a press operated by a lever. Nowadays our newspapers are, in the great cities at least, printed almost altogether by machinery, from the setting up of the type until they are dropped complete and counted out by hundreds at the bottom of a rotary press. The paper is fed into the press from a great roll and is printed on both sides and folded at the rate of two hundred or more newspapers a minute.

[Sidenote: New means of communication.]

[Sidenote: Steamboats.]

279. The factory system would never have developed upon a vast scale had the manufacturers been able to sell their goods only in the neighborhood. The discovery that steam could be used to carry the goods cheaply and speedily to all parts of the world made it possible for a manufacturer to widen his market indefinitely. Fulton, an American inventor, devised the first steamboat that was really successful, in 1807, yet over half a century elapsed before steamships began to supplant the old and uncertain sailing ship. It is now possible to make the journey from New York to Southampton, three thousand miles, in less than six days, and with almost the regularity of an express train. Japan may be reached from Vancouver in thirteen days, and from San Francisco via Honolulu, a distance of five thousand five hundred miles, in eighteen days. A commercial map of the world shows that the globe is now crossed in every direction by definite routes, which are followed by innumerable freight and passenger steamers passing regularly from one port to another. These are able to carry goods for incredibly small sums. For example, wheat has frequently been shipped from New York to Liverpool for two cents a bushel.

[Sidenote: Development of the railroad.]

Just as the gigantic modern steamship has taken the place of the schooner and clipper, so, on land, the merchandise which used to be slowly dragged in carts by means of horses and oxen is now transported in long trains of capacious cars, each of which holds as much as many ordinary carts. A ton of freight can now be carried for less than a cent a mile. In 1825 Stephenson's locomotive was put into operation in England. Other countries soon began to follow England's lead in building railroads. France opened its first railroad in 1828, Germany in 1835. By 1840 Europe had over eighteen hundred miles of railroad; fifty years later this had increased to one hundred and forty thousand.

[Sidenote: Startling improvements in the means of communication.]

Besides the marvelous cheapening of transportation, other new means of communication have resulted from modern inventions. The telegraph, the submarine cable, and the telephone, all have served to render communication prompt and certain. Steamships and railroads carry letters half round the globe for a price too trivial to be paid for delivering a message round the corner. The old, awkward methods of making payments have given way to a tolerably uniform system of coinage. Instead of each petty principality and each town having its own coins, as was common, especially in Germany and Italy, before the nineteenth century, all coins are now issued by the national central governments. Yet the most convenient coins are difficult to transfer in large quantities, and nowadays all considerable sums are paid by means of checks and drafts. The banks settle their accounts by means of a clearing house, and in this way almost no large amount of money need pass from hand to hand.

England took the lead in utilizing all these remarkable new inventions, and with their aid became, by the middle of the nineteenth century, the manufacturing center of the world. Gradually the new machinery was introduced on the continent, and since 1850 countries having the necessary coal, such as Germany and Belgium, have developed manufacturing industries which now rival those of Great Britain.

[Sidenote: Some results of the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century.]

[Sidenote: Rapid growth of the towns.]

280. The industrial revolution, as the changes above referred to are usually called, could not but have a profound influence upon the life and government of Europe. For example, the population of Europe appears to have nearly doubled during the nineteenth century. One of the most startling tendencies of recent times has been the growth of the towns. In 1800 London had a population of less than one million; it now contains over four million five hundred thousand inhabitants. Paris, at the opening of the French Revolution, contained less than seven hundred thousand inhabitants; it now has over two and a half millions. Berlin has grown in a hundred years from one hundred and seventy-two thousand to nearly two millions. In England a quarter of the whole population live in towns having over two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, and less than a quarter still remain in the country. Our modern life is dominated by the great cities, which not only are the center of commerce and manufacturing, but are the homes of the artist and man of letters.

[Sidenote: Reasons for the growth of the towns.]

There are two obvious reasons for the growth of the towns since the industrial revolution. In the first place, factories are established in places where there is an abundant supply of coal, or where conditions are otherwise favorable; and this brings a large number of people together. In the second place, there is no limit set to the growth of cities, as was formerly the case, by the difficulty of procuring food from a distance. Paris, in the time of Louis XVI, was not a large city in the modern sense of the word; still the government found it very difficult to secure a regular supply of food in the markets. Now grain and even meat and fruit are easily carried any distance. England imports a large amount of her meat from Australia, on the other side of the globe, and even her butter and eggs she gets largely from the continent.

[Sidenote: Abolition of most of the restrictions on trade and industry.]

281. Before the nineteenth century the European governments had been accustomed to regulate trade, industry, and commerce by a great variety of laws, which were supposed to be necessary for the protection of the public. Of this we find examples in the English Navigation Acts;[466] in the guilds, which under the protection of the government enjoyed a monopoly of their industries in their particular districts; in the regulations issued by Colbert[467] and in the grain laws in both France and England, which limited the free importation and even the exportation of grain.

The French and English economists in the eighteenth century, like Turgot and Adam Smith, advocated the abolition of all restrictions, which they believed did far more harm than good. The expediency of this laissez faire,[468] or free-trade policy, has now been recognized by most European powers. England abolished her grain laws (the so-called Corn Laws) in 1846, and since then has adopted the policy of free trade, except so far as she raises a revenue from customs duties imposed upon a very few commodities, like liquor and tobacco. Low import duties are collected by most of the European powers on goods entering their territories, but all export duties have been abolished as well as all customs barriers within the countries.

[Sidenote: Government regulations protecting the laborer.]

A short experience with the factory system showed the need of regulations designed to protect the laborer.[469] There was a temptation for the new factories to force the employees to work an excessive number of hours under unhealthful conditions. Women and children were set to run the machines, and their strength was often cruelly overtaxed. Women and children were also employed in the coal mines, under terribly degrading conditions. One of the great functions of our modern governments has been to pass laws to protect the working men and women and to improve their condition. Germany has been particularly active in this sort of regulation, and has gone so far as to compel workingmen to insure themselves for the benefit of their families.[470]

[Sidenote: Labor unions.]

Another development of the factory system has been the rise of labor unions. These are voluntary associations intended to promote the interests of their members. They have grown as the factory system has been extended, and they now enjoy an influence in certain industries comparable to that exercised by the craft guilds of the Middle Ages. The governments do not undertake, however, to enforce the regulations of the labor unions as they formerly did of the guilds.[471]

[Sidenote: The people admitted to a share in the government.]

[Sidenote: Character of modern constitutions.]

282. The extension of manufacturing industries has had much to do with the gradual admission of the people to a share in the government. The life in towns and cities has quickened the intelligence of the working classes, so that they are no longer willing to intrust the affairs of government entirely to a king or to the representatives of the upper classes. The result of this was, as we have seen, that constitutions were, during the nineteenth century, introduced into all the western European states. While these differ from one another in detail, they all agree in establishing a house of representatives, whose members are chosen by the people at large. Gradually the franchise has been extended so that the poorest laborer, so soon as he comes of age, is permitted to have a voice in the selection of the deputies.[472] Without the sanction of the representatives of the people, the king and the upper, more aristocratic house are not allowed to pass any law or establish any new tax. Each year a carefully prepared list of expenses must be presented to the lower house and receive its ratification before money collected by taxation can be spent.

[Sidenote: Equality before the law.]

The French prefaced their first constitution by the memorable words: "All citizens being equal before the law, are alike eligible to all public offices and positions of honor and trust, according to their capacity, and without any distinction, except that of their character and ability." This principle, so different from that which had hitherto prevailed, has been recognized in most of the modern European constitutions. The privileges and exceptions which everywhere existed before the French Revolution have been abolished. Modern European governments are supposed to treat all alike, regardless of social rank or religious belief.

[Sidenote: Religious equality in England.]

[Sidenote: Repeal of the Test Act, 1828.]

At the opening of the nineteenth century England still kept on the statute book the laws debarring Roman Catholics and dissenters from sitting in Parliament or holding any public office. Exceptions, however, were made in the case of the dissenters. Finally, after violent opposition on the part of the conservative party, the Test Act, passed in the reign of Charles II,[473] was repealed in 1828. Next year the Roman Catholics were also given the right to sit in Parliament and to hold office, like the other subjects of the king.

[Sidenote: Free and compulsory education under the control of the state.]

Education, which was formerly left to the church, has during the nineteenth century become one of the most important functions of government. Boys and girls of all classes, between the ages of four and fourteen or fifteen, are now generally forced to take advantage of the schools which the government supports for their benefit. Tuition is free in France, Italy, Norway, and Sweden, and only trifling fees are required in Germany and elsewhere in western Europe. In 1902 the English Parliament and the French Legislative Assembly each appropriated about forty million dollars for educational purposes. As an example of the rapid advance in education in recent times, it may be noted that in 1843, among those who married in England and Wales, one third of the men and half of the women were unable to sign their names in the marriage registers. In 1899 all but three men in a hundred could write, and almost as many of the women.

[Sidenote: Warfare in recent times.]

283. The general advance in education has not yet taught nations to settle all their disputes without recourse to war. It is true that since Napoleon's downfall there have been but three or four serious wars in western Europe, and these very brief ones compared with the earlier conflicts. But the European powers spend vast amounts annually in maintaining standing armies and building battle ships. France and Germany have each a force of over half a million carefully trained soldiers ready to fight at any moment, and two million more who can be called out with the utmost speed should war be declared.[474] The invention of repeating rifles and of new and deadly explosives have, however, rendered war so terrible a thing to contemplate that statesmen are more and more reluctant to suggest a resort to arms.

[Sidenote: European colonies in the nineteenth century.]

Recent wars and the frequent rumors of war have had their origin mainly in disagreements over colonial matters. The anxiety of the European powers to extend their control over distant parts of the world is now no less marked than it was in the eighteenth century. Modern means of communication have naturally served to make the world smaller and more compact. An event in London is known as promptly in Sydney as in Oxford. A government can send orders to its commanders on the opposite side of the globe as easily as if they were but five miles away. Supplies, ammunition, and arms are, moreover, readily and speedily transferred to remote points.

[Sidenote: The Spanish colonies in North and South America establish their independence, 1810-1826.]

At the opening of the nineteenth century Spain still held Mexico, Florida, Central America, and most of South America except Brazil, which belonged to Portugal. During the Napoleonic period the Spanish colonies revolted and declared their independence of the mother country,—Mexico, New Granada, Chile, and the region about Buenos Ayres in 1810, Venezuela in 1811, etc. By 1826 Spain had been forced to give up the struggle and withdraw her troops from the American continent. In 1822 Brazil declared itself independent of Portugal. After the recent war with the United States Spain lost Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, the last remnants of her once imposing colonial domains.

[Sidenote: Expansion of England during the nineteenth century.]

England, on the other hand, has steadily increased her colonial realms and her dependencies during the nineteenth century, and has met with no serious losses since the successful revolt of the thirteen American colonies. In 1814 she acquired the Cape of Good Hope from the Dutch, and since then the territory has been enlarged by adding the adjacent districts. During the last years of the nineteenth century England busied herself extending her power over large tracts of western, central, and eastern Africa.

England has secured her interests in the eastern Mediterranean by gaining control of the Suez Canal, which was completed in 1869, mainly with French capital. In 1875 she purchased the shares owned by the khedive of Egypt. Then, since the khedive's finances were in a very bad way, she arranged to furnish him, in the interest of his creditors and in agreement with France, with financial advisers without whose approval he can make no financial decision. Moreover, English troops are stationed in Egypt with a view of maintaining order.

In the southern hemisphere England has colonized the continent of Australia, the large islands of New Zealand, Tasmania, etc. The mother country wisely grants these colonies and Canada almost complete freedom in managing their own affairs. The Canadian provinces formed a federation among themselves in 1867, and in 1901 the Commonwealth of Australia was proclaimed, a federation of the five Australian colonies and the island of Tasmania.

[Sidenote: Expansion of Russia since the Crimean War.]

France exercises a wide influence in Africa and even Germany has made some effort to gain a foothold there; but the most momentous extension of a European power is that of Russia. Since the Crimean War Russia has pressed steadily into central Asia, so that now her boundaries and those of the English possessions in India practically touch one another. She has also been actively engaged in the Far East. In 1898 she leased Port Arthur from China, and now the Trans-Siberian Railroad connects this as well as Vladivostok on the Pacific coast with Moscow.

[Sidenote: The Far Eastern Question.]

Recent events have shown that the European powers are likely to come into hostile relations with one another in dealing with China. The problem of satisfying the commercial and military demands of the various nations constitutes what is known as the Far Eastern Question.

[Sidenote: General disturbance caused by war in modern conditions.]

While all these conquests of the European powers increase the probability of friction and misunderstandings, there is a growing abhorrence of war. It appears more inhuman to men of to-day than it did to their ancestors. Moreover, all parts of the world are now so dependent each on the other that even the rumor of war may produce disastrous results far and wide. The prospect of war frightens the merchants, checks commerce and industry, and causes loss both to the laborer and the capitalist.

[Sidenote: The peace conference at The Hague, 1899.]

Many difficulties between nations can now be adjusted by the rules of international law. Arbitration is more and more frequently preferred to war. In 1899 an international peace conference was held at The Hague at the suggestion of the Tsar. Its object was to consider how the European powers might free themselves from the burden of supporting tremendous armies and purchasing the terrible engines of destruction which modern ingenuity has conceived. The resolutions of the conference embody rules for adjusting international disputes and prohibiting the use of particularly cruel and murderous projectiles, and for the treatment of prisoners of war, etc.

It has been possible to mention only a few of the startling achievements and changes which the nineteenth century has witnessed. Enough has, however, been said to show that Europe to-day differs perhaps more fundamentally from the Europe Napoleon knew than did Napoleon's world from Charlemagne's. Although civil and religious liberty and equality have been established, and incredible progress has been made in scientific thought, in general enlightenment, and in domestic comfort, yet the growth of democracy, the magnitude of the modern city, and the unprecedented development of industry and commerce have brought with them new and urgent problems which the future must face.

General Reading.—The Progress of the Century (Harper & Bros., $2.50), a collection of essays by distinguished writers and investigators, summing up the changes of the nineteenth century. The Statesman's Year Book (The Macmillan Company, $3.00) is issued each year and gives much valuable information in regard to the population, constitution, finances, educational system, etc., of the European states. WELLS, Recent Economic Changes (D. Appleton & Co., $2.00).



LIST OF BOOKS[475]

ADAMS, GEORGE B., Civilization during the Middle Ages (Charles Scribner's Sons, $2.50).

ADAMS, GEORGE B., Growth of the French Nation (The Macmillan Company, $1.25).

ANDREWS, Historical Development of Modern Europe (G.P. Putnam's Sons, $2.75).

BRYCE, The Holy Roman Empire (The Macmillan Company, $1.00).

Cambridge Modern History, Volume I (The Macmillan Company, $3.75).

CESARESCO, Liberation of Italy (Charles Scribner's Sons, $1.75).

CHEYNEY, Industrial and Social History of England (The Macmillan Company, $1.40).

COLBY, Selections from the Sources of English History (Longmans, Green & Co., $1.50).

CUNNINGHAM, Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects: Volume II, Medival and Modern Times (The Macmillan Company, $1.25).

EMERTON, Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages (Ginn & Company, $1.12).

EMERTON, Medival Europe (Ginn & Company, $1.50).

FYFFE, History of Modern Europe (Henry Holt & Co., $2.75).

GARDINER, Student's History of England (Longmans, Green & Co., $3.00).

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INDEX

Abbeys, see Monasteries.

Abbot, meaning of, 58.

Abbots chosen by feudal lords, 155.

Abelard, 268 f.

Absolute monarchy, 475 ff., 496 ff.

Acolyte, 20.

Acre taken in First Crusade, 194.

Act of Appeals, 430.

Act of Supremacy, 430.

Act of Uniformity, 491.

Adda, valley of, 471.

Address to the German Nobility, by Luther, 396 f.

Adrian VI, Pope, attempts reformation of Church, 310.

Adrianople, battle of, 25.

neid, copies of, in Middle Ages, 333, note.

Agincourt, battle of (1415), 292.

Agricola, Rudolph, 379.

Aids, feudal, 111, 145 and note.

Aistulf, Lombard king, 74 f.

Aix-la-Chapelle, Charlemagne's palace at, 78.

Alaric takes Rome, 26.

Albertus Magnus, 231, 260; writes commentary on Aristotle, 272.

Albigenses, 221 f.; crusade against, 223 f., 256.

Alchemy, 672.

Aleander's views of Protestant revolt, 399, 403.

Alemanni, 35; attempted conversion of, by St. Columban, 65.

Alessandria built, 178.

Alexander III, Pope, 178 f.

Alexander VI, Pope (Borgia), 362, 364.

Alexander I, Tsar, 611, 620.

Alexius, Emperor, and First Crusade, 188, 191.

Alfred the Great, 133 f.

Alsace ceded to Germany, 472 f., 663 and note.

Alva, 448 ff.

Amalfi, commerce of, 243.

Ambrose, 51.

America, North, explored by English, 351.

American colonies of England, revolt of, 532 ff.

American Revolution, 533 ff.

Amiens, rupture of Treaty of, 610.

Anabaptists, 416.

Anagni, attack on Boniface VIII at, 306.

Ancien Rgime, 537 ff.

Andrea del Sarto, 346.

Angelico, Fra, 343.

Angevins, see Plantagenets.

Angles, 27; settle in Britain, 60.

Anglo-Saxon, 253.

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 134, 253.

Anjou, 126, 301.

Anne, Queen, 524.

Antioch, Latin principality of, 193.

Antwerp, 450.

Appanages, creation of, in France, 128.

Aquinas, 231, 272.

Aquitaine, 67, 82, 93, 124, 126. See also Guienne.

Arabia, 243.

Arabs, condition of, before Mohammed, 69; conquests of, 70 f.; conquer Syria, 188; civilization of, in Spain, 356.

Aragon united with Castile, 357.

Archbishops, origin of, 21; powers of, 203 ff.

Arches defined and illustrated, 264.

Architecture, medival, 262 f.; Romanesque, 263; Gothic, 264 f.; domestic, 266 f.; Renaissance, 339 f.

Aristotle, medival veneration for, 271 f.; Dante's estimate of, 331.

Arius, 30.

Arles, see Burgundy.

Armada, 463.

Arnold of Brescia, 177.

Arnulf of Carinthia, 97.

Art, medival, 261 f.; fostered by Italian despots, 326; Renaissance, 339; Arabic, 356.

Arthur, nephew of John of England, 127.

Artois, count of, 575, 630. See Charles X of France.

Assignats, 571, 591 and note.

Astrology, 260, 672.

Astronomy, medival knowledge of, 331; discoveries of Copernicus, 351; modern, 672 f.

Athanasius, 50.

Athens, school at, closed, 33.

Attila, 27.

Augsburg, Hungarians defeated near, 150; confession of, 417 f.; diet of, 417 f.; religious Peace of, 419 f., 465.

Augustine, Bishop of England, 61.

Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 26, note, 51, 390, 393.

Augustinian order, 385, note, 387.

Austerlitz, battle of, 611.

Australia, 685 f.

Austrasia, 37, 38.

Austria, 150, 354 f.; hold of, on Italy, 507; conflicts with Turks, 517 f.; war of 1809 with Napoleon, 619; mixed population of, 632; influence of, after 1815, 640; revolution of 1848 in, 644 f.; opposition of, to German unity, 651 f.; decline of influence of, after 1851, 653 f.; war with Prussia (1866), 660.

Austrian Mark, 150.

Austrian Netherlands, given to France, 604; to Holland, 625.

Austrian Succession, War of, 518 ff.

Avignon, seat of papacy (1305-1377), 307 f.; Clement VII, anti-pope, restablishes papal court at, 310.

Azores Islands discovered by Portuguese, 347.

Baber, 529 and note.

Babylonian Captivity of the Church (1305-1377), 307 f.

Babylonian Captivity of the Church, by Luther, 397.

Bacon, Francis, 478.

Bacon, Roger, 273, 478, 671.

Bacteria, 674.

Baden granted a constitution, 635.

Bda, see Venerable Bede.

Bagdad, 83, note.

Baillis, established by Philip Augustus, 130.

Balance of power, 427 f., 625 f.

Baldwin, in First Crusade, 191 f.; ruler of Jerusalem, 194.

Balliol, 279.

Banking, origin of, 246.

Bannockburn, battle of (1314), 280.

Banquet, Dante's, 331.

Baptism essential to salvation, 46; sacrament of, 210.

Baptists, 491.

Barbarians, see Germans.

Barbarians, Laws of the, 40.

Barbarossa, Frederick, see Frederick I, Emperor.

Barebone's Parliament, 489.

Barons, War of the, 146 f.

Basel, Council of (1431-1449), 318 f.

Basil, 51.

Bastile, fall of the, 565.

Bavaria, conquered by the Franks, 37; 65, 67, 82, 93, 98, 112; made an electorate, 467; in War of Austrian Succession, 518 f.; elector of, assumes title of king, 612; granted a constitution, 635.

Baylen, battle of, 618.

Bede, see Venerable Bede.

Bedford, duke of, 293.

"Beggars" of the Netherlands, 447.

Belgium, 627 f.; becomes an independent kingdom, 640 f.

Belisarius overthrows the Vandal kingdom, 33.

Benedict, St., 57 f.; Rule of, 57 f.

Benedict IX, Pope, 160.

Benedict XIII, Pope, deposed by Council of Pisa, 313; by Council of Constance, 315.

Benedictine order, 57, note.

Beneficium, 105 f.

Berbers, 71.

Berlin, Congress of, 670.

Bible, translated into Gothic, 252; Wycliffe's translation of, 309; first printed, 338; German, before Luther, 378, 405; Luther's translation of, 405 f.; German, for Catholics, 413; English translation of, 431; King James version of, 478 and note.

Bishop of Rome, not yet pope in Constantine's time, 21; obscurity of the early, 50; Valentinian's decree concerning, 51. See Pope.

Bishops, origin of, 20, 67; method of choosing, 155; complicated position of, 156, 174; duties, position, and importance of, 204, 206 f.

Bismarck, 657 ff., 663.

Black Death (1348-1349), 288.

Black Friars, see Dominicans.

"Black Hole" of Calcutta, 531.

Black Prince of England, at Crcy, 285; and Poitiers, 287.

Blockade, 615 f.

Boethius, last distinguished Roman writer, 19, 31 f., 134.

Bohemia, Huss spreads Wycliffe's doctrines in, 309; relation with Council of Basel, 318 f.; revolts from the Hapsburgs, 466 f.; in 1848, 646, 648.

Bohemians, Charlemagne forces, to pay tribute, 82.

Bohemond, in First Crusade, 191 f.

Boleyn, Anne, 429 f.

Bologna, study of Roman law at, 177.

Bonaparte, analysis of character of, 595 ff. See Napoleon.

Bonaventura, head of Franciscan order, quoted, 232.

Boniface, St., apostle to the Germans, 65 f.; anoints Pippin, 73.

Boniface VIII, Pope, struggle with Philip the Fair, 304 f.

Book of Prayer, English, 435, 458, 482, 491.

Books copied by monks, 58.

Borgia, Csar, hero of Machiavelli's Prince, 362.

Borgia, Pope Alexander VI, 362.

Borodino, battle of, 621.

Bosnia, 669, 670 and note.

Boso, count of Vienne, 97.

Bosworth Field, battle of, 297.

Bothwell, 459 f.

Boulogne, Napoleon's army at, 610 f.

Bourbon kings, 453, 630.

Brandenburg, electorate of, 372, 474, 515 f. See Prussia.

Brazil, 685.

Breitenfeld, battle of, 470.

Bremen, foundation of, 81; commerce of, 244; member of the German empire, 604.

Bretigny, Treaty of (1360), 286 f.

Britain conquered by the Angles and Saxons, 60; church of, yields to Roman Church, 62.

Brittany, 123.

Bruce, Robert, 279 f.

Bruges, 123, 245.

Brumaire, eighteenth, 598.

Bruni, Leonardo, estimate of importance of Greek studies, 336.

Bruno, Archbishop, 149.

Buckingham, 478.

Bulgaria, 669 f.

Bulgaria, South, 670, note.

Bulls, papal, origin of name, 204, note.

Bundesrath, 661, 666.

Burgher class, rise of, 249.

Burgundians, 30, 36; number of, entering the empire, 39.

Burgundy, county of, 366, 471. See also Franche-Comt.

Burgundy, duchy of, 124, 292; alliance with England, 292 f.; importance of, under Philip the Good and Charles the Bold, 300, 354, 417.

Burgundy, kingdom of, 38, 97, 124 and note, 153.

Burnt Njal, The Story of, 99, note.

Buttress, flying, defined and illustrated, 264 f.

Byzantium, 22, note.

Cabinet, English, 524 f.

Cadiz, 479.

Cdmon, 253.

Csar, drives back the Germans, 5; conquers Britain, 60.

Cahiers, 562 f.

Calais taken by English, 285, 295.

Calcutta, 529; "Black Hole" of, 531.

Calendar, French republican, 582 and note.

Caliph, title of, 70.

Calmar, Union of, 469.

Calonne, 556 f.; reforms proposed by, 558 ff.

Calvin, 425 f., 452.

Calvinists, 420, 473.

Cambray, League of (1508), 365.

Campo-Formio, Treaty of, 594 f.

Canada won by the English, 530, 532, 685 f.

Canary Islands discovered by Portuguese, 347.

Canon law, 202, note; burned by Luther, 399.

Canonical election, 155.

Canons, 207, note.

Canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, The, 440.

Canossa, 169.

Canterbury, the religious capital of England, 61; St. Martin's at, 61; dispute concerning Archbishop of, under John, 183.

Capet, Hugh, 121.

Capetian kings, position of early, 121 f., 124 f.

Capitularies, 87.

Carbonari, 637.

Cardinals, 162 and note, 204.

Carloman, brother of Pippin, 72.

Carlsbad Resolutions, 634 f.

Carlstadt, 407 f.

Carnot, 588.

Carolingian line in France, 120 f.

Cassiodorus, his treatises on the liberal arts and sciences, 32.

Castile, united with Aragon, 357.

Castle, medival, 100, 267.

Catechism, Napoleon's, 617.

Cathari, 221.

Cathedral, the medival, 262 f.; of Wells, 265 f.

Catherine de' Medici, 454 f.

Catherine of Aragon, 367, 428 ff.

Catherine II of Russia, 514.

Catholic Church, early conception of, 20. See Church, Clergy.

Catholic League of Dessau, 415.

Catholic League in Germany, 466 f.

Catholic party, formation of a, at Regensburg, 412.

Catholic reaction, 438, note.

Catholic reformation, 412 f., 437 ff.

Cavaliers, 485.

Cavour, 654.

Celibacy of the clergy, see Marriage.

Celts in Britain, 60.

Chalcedon, Act of the Council of, 51.

Chlons, battle of, 27.

Champagne, counts of, growth of possessions of, 113 f; position of, 114 f.

Chapter, cathedral, 207.

Charlemagne, 77 ff.; ideal of, of a great German empire, 79; coronation of, as emperor, 83 f.; restablishes the Western Empire, 84 f.; system of government of, 86; his farms, 86 and note; interest of, in schools, 87 ff., 268; disruption of empire of, 92 ff.; collects German poems, 253; hero of romances, 254.

Charles Martel, 38; aids Boniface, 66, 67 ff.; defeats the Mohammedans at Tours, 72.

Charles the Bald, 92 f., 95.

Charles the Fat, 96 f.

Charles the Simple, 96, note, 113, 121 f.

Charles V of France (1364-1380) reconquers most of English possessions in France, 287 f.

Charles VI of France, 292 f.

Charles VII of France, 293 f.

Charles VIII of France invades Italy, 360 f.

Charles IX of France, 454 ff.

Charles X of France, 630. See also Artois, count of.

Charles the Bold of Burgundy, 300, 422.

Charles V, Emperor, 301; possessions of, 354, 359 f.; coronation of, 367; wars with Francis I, 366, 415, 417; at diet of Worms, 400; at Augsburg, 417 f.; attitude toward the Protestants, 438; abdicates, 444.

Charles VI, Emperor, 518.

Charles VII, Emperor, 518 f.

Charles I of England, 478 ff.; financial exactions of, 479, 481; execution of, 486 f.

Charles II of England, 488, 490 ff.

Charles II of Spain, 502; will of, 506.

Charles XII of Sweden, 513 f.

Charles Albert of Sardinia, 646, 647, 650.

Charter, French, of 1814, 629 f.

Charter, the Great, of England, 144, 146.

Charters granted to medival towns, 239 f.

Chemistry, 672.

Chivalry, 256 f.

Christian IV of Denmark, 467 f.

Christian missions, map of, 63.

Christianity, preparation for, in Roman Empire, 18; promises of, 18; pagan rites and conceptions adopted by, 19.

Christians, persecution of, 10.

Chrysoloras called to teach Greek in Florence, 336.

Church, apostolic, 19; organization of, before Constantine, 20; in the Theodosian Code, 21; survives the Roman Empire, 22; greatness of, 44; sources of power of, 45 ff.; attitude of, toward the civil government, 47; begins to perform the functions of the civil government, 48; coperation of, with the civil government, 80, note, 81; maintains knowledge of Latin, 87; policy of William the Conqueror in regard to English, 138; wealth of, 154; lands of, feudalized, 154; offices bought and sold, 158; and state, 165, 303; character and organization of medival, 201 ff.; services of, to civilization, 216; evil effects of wealth upon, 217 f.; loses power as modern states develop, 303 f.; reasons for influence of, in Middle Ages, 303, 370; corruption of, 217 ff.; during Babylonian Captivity of, 307; in Germany, 383; attempted reformation of, 223; at Constance, 317; taxation of, 307; attempted union of, with Eastern Church, 319; attitude of humanists toward, 335; enthusiasm for, in Germany before Luther, 377; discontent with, in Germany, 385; in France before the Revolution, 541 ff.; attacked by Voltaire, 550; property of, confiscated by the National Assembly, 570 f.; lands, secularization of, 603.

Church fathers, 50 f.

Cicero, humanists' estimate of, 332, 334.

Cisalpine republic, 595, 601, 602.

Cistercian order, 219.

City of God, The, Augustine's, 26, note, 78.

Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 571 f., 580, 606 f.

Civil war in England, 485 f.

Classics, Greek and Roman, neglect of, in the Middle Ages, 259, 330, 333, note; Dante's respect for, 331; revival of, 332 ff.; Petrarch's enthusiasm and search for, 332 ff.

Clement V, Pope, removes seat of papacy to France, 306.

Clement VII, anti-pope, returns to Avignon, 310.

Clement VII, Pope, 412, 430.

Clergy, minor orders of, 20; privileges of, in Theodosian Code, 21; attitude toward civil government, 81; lower, demoralized by simony, 159; importance of, to civilization, 214 f.; benefit of, 214, note; corruption of, 217 f.; secular, opposition of, to mendicant orders, 231; reform of, at Regensburg, 412; policy of Henry VIII toward, 429 ff.; in France before the Revolution, 542; representatives of, join third estate, 564; Civil Constitution of, 571 f., 580, 606 f.; non-juring, in France, 572, 579, 606. See also Marriage.