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A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents - Section 2 (of 2) of Volume 6: Andrew Johnson
by James D. Richardson
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The lamentable events of the last four years and the sacrifices made by the gallant men of our Army and Navy have swelled the records of the Pension Bureau to an unprecedented extent. On the 30th day of June last the total number of pensioners was 85,986, requiring for their annual pay, exclusive of expenses, the sum of $8,023,445. The number of applications that have been allowed since that date will require a large increase of this amount for the next fiscal year, The means for the payment of the stipends due under existing laws to our disabled soldiers and sailors and to the families of such as have perished in the service of the country will no doubt be cheerfully and promptly granted. A grateful people will not hesitate to sanction any measures having for their object the relief of soldiers mutilated and families made fatherless in the efforts to preserve our national existence.

The report of the Postmaster-General presents an encouraging exhibit of the operations of the Post-Office Department during the year. The revenues of the past year, from the loyal States alone, exceeded the maximum annual receipts from all the States previous to the rebellion in the sum of $6,038,091; and the annual average increase of revenue during the last four years, compared with the revenues of the four years immediately preceding the rebellion, was $3,533,845. The revenues of the last fiscal year amounted to $14,556,158 and the expenditures to $13,694,728, leaving a surplus of receipts over expenditures of $861,430. Progress has been made in restoring the postal service in the Southern States. The views presented by the Postmaster-General against the policy of granting subsidies to the ocean mail steamship lines upon established routes and in favor of continuing the present system, which limits the compensation for ocean service to the postage earnings, are recommended to the careful consideration of Congress.

It appears from the report of the Secretary of the Navy that while at the commencement of the present year there were in commission 530 vessels of all classes and descriptions, armed with 3,000 guns and manned by 51,000 men, the number of vessels at present in commission is 117, with 830 guns and 12,128 men. By this prompt reduction of the naval forces the expenses of the Government have been largely diminished, and a number of vessels purchased for naval purposes from the merchant marine have been returned to the peaceful pursuits of commerce. Since the suppression of active hostilities our foreign squadrons have been reestablished, and consist of vessels much more efficient than those employed on similar service previous to the rebellion. The suggestion for the enlargement of the navy-yards, and especially for the establishment of one in fresh water for ironclad vessels, is deserving of consideration, as is also the recommendation for a different location and more ample grounds for the Naval Academy.

In the report of the Secretary of War a general summary is given of the military campaigns of 1864 and 1865, ending in the suppression of armed resistance to the national authority in the insurgent States. The operations of the general administrative bureaus of the War Department during the past year are detailed and an estimate made of the appropriations that will be required for military purposes in the fiscal year commencing the 1st day of July, 1866. The national military force on the 1st of May, 1865, numbered 1,000,516 men. It is proposed to reduce the military establishment to a peace footing, comprehending 50,000 troops of all arms, organized so as to admit of an enlargement by filling up the ranks to 82,600 if the circumstances of the country should require an augmentation of the Army. The volunteer force has already been reduced by the discharge from service of over 800,000 troops, and the Department is proceeding rapidly in the work of further reduction. The war estimates are reduced from $516,240,131 to $33,814,461, which amount, in the opinion of the Department, is adequate for a peace establishment. The measures of retrenchment in each bureau and branch of the service exhibit a diligent economy worthy of commendation. Reference is also made in the report to the necessity of providing for a uniform militia system and to the propriety of making suitable provision for wounded and disabled officers and soldiers.

The revenue system of the country is a subject of vital interest to its honor and prosperity, and should command the earnest consideration of Congress. The Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you a full and detailed report of the receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal year, of the first quarter of the present fiscal year, of the probable receipts and expenditures for the other three quarters, and the estimates for the year following the 30th of June, 1866. I might content myself with a reference to that report, in which you will find all the information required for your deliberations and decision, but the paramount importance of the subject so presses itself on my own mind that I can not but lay before you my views of the measures which are required for the good character, and I might almost say for the existence, of this people. The life of a republic lies certainly in the energy, virtue, and intelligence of its citizens; but it is equally true that a good revenue system is the life of an organized government. I meet you at a time when the nation has voluntarily burdened itself with a debt unprecedented in our annals. Vast as is its amount, it fades away into nothing when compared with the countless blessings that will be conferred upon our country and upon man by the preservation of the nation's life. Now, on the first occasion of the meeting of Congress since the return of peace, it is of the utmost importance to inaugurate a just policy, which shall at once be put in motion, and which shall commend itself to those who come after us for its continuance. We must aim at nothing less than the complete effacement of the financial evils that necessarily followed a state of civil war. We must endeavor to apply the earliest remedy to the deranged state of the currency, and not shrink from devising a policy which, without being oppressive to the people, shall immediately begin to effect a reduction of the debt, and, if persisted in, discharge it fully within a definitely fixed number of years.

It is our first duty to prepare in earnest for our recovery from the ever-increasing evils of an irredeemable currency without a sudden revulsion, and yet without untimely procrastination. For that end we must each, in our respective positions, prepare the way. I hold it the duty of the Executive to insist upon frugality in the expenditures, and a sparing economy is itself a great national resource. Of the banks to which authority has been given to issue notes secured by bonds of the United States we may require the greatest moderation and prudence, and the law must be rigidly enforced when its limits are exceeded. We may each one of us counsel our active and enterprising countrymen to be constantly on their guard, to liquidate debts contracted in a paper currency, and by conducting business as nearly as possible on a system of cash payments or short credits to hold themselves prepared to return to the standard of gold and silver. To aid our fellow-citizens in the prudent management of their monetary affairs, the duty devolves on us to diminish by law the amount of paper money now in circulation. Five years ago the bank-note circulation of the country amounted to not much more than two hundred millions; now the circulation, bank and national, exceeds seven hundred millions. The simple statement of the fact recommends more strongly than any words of mine could do the necessity of our restraining this expansion. The gradual reduction of the currency is the only measure that can save the business of the country from disastrous calamities, and this can be almost imperceptibly accomplished by gradually funding the national circulation in securities that may be made redeemable at the pleasure of the Government.

Our debt is doubly secure—first in the actual wealth and still greater undeveloped resources of the country, and next in the character of our institutions. The most intelligent observers among political economists have not failed to remark that the public debt of a country is safe in proportion as its people are free; that the debt of a republic is the safest of all. Our history confirms and establishes the theory, and is, I firmly believe, destined to give it a still more signal illustration. The secret of this superiority springs not merely from the fact that in a republic the national obligations are distributed more widely through countless numbers in all classes of society; it has its root in the character of our laws. Here all men contribute to the public welfare and bear their fair share of the public burdens. During the war, under the impulses of patriotism, the men of the great body of the people, without regard to their own comparative want of wealth, thronged to our armies and filled our fleets of war, and held themselves ready to offer their lives for the public good. Now, in their turn, the property and income of the country should bear their just proportion of the burden of taxation, while in our impost system, through means of which increased vitality is incidentally imparted to all the industrial interests of the nation, the duties should be so adjusted as to fall most heavily on articles of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as the absolute wants of the Government economically administered will justify. No favored class should demand freedom from assessment, and the taxes should be so distributed as not to fall unduly on the poor, but rather on the accumulated wealth of the country. We should look at the national debt just as it is—not as a national blessing, but as a heavy burden on the industry of the country, to be discharged without unnecessary delay.

It is estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury that the expenditures for the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1866, will exceed the receipts $112,194,947. It is gratifying, however, to state that it is also estimated that the revenue for the year ending the 30th of June, 1867, will exceed the expenditures in the sum of $111,682,818. This amount, or so much as may be deemed sufficient for the purpose, may be applied to the reduction of the public debt, which on the 31st day of October, 1865, was $2,740,854,750. Every reduction will diminish the total amount of interest to be paid, and so enlarge the means of still further reductions, until the whole shall be liquidated; and this, as will be seen from the estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, may be accomplished by annual payments even within a period not exceeding thirty years. I have faith that we shall do all this within a reasonable time; that as we have amazed the world by the suppression of a civil war which was thought to be beyond the control of any government, so we shall equally show the superiority of our institutions by the prompt and faithful discharge of our national obligations.

The Department of Agriculture under its present direction is accomplishing much in developing and utilizing the vast agricultural capabilities of the country, and for information respecting the details of its management reference is made to the annual report of the Commissioner.

I have dwelt thus fully on our domestic affairs because of their transcendent importance. Under any circumstances our great extent of territory and variety of climate, producing almost everything that is necessary for the wants and even the comforts of man, make us singularly independent of the varying policy of foreign powers and protect us against every temptation to "entangling alliances," while at the present moment the reestablishment of harmony and the strength that comes from harmony will be our best security against "nations who feel power and forget right." For myself, it has been and it will be my constant aim to promote peace and amity with all foreign nations and powers, and I have every reason to believe that they all, without exception, are animated by the same disposition. Our relations with the Emperor of China, so recent in their origin, are most friendly. Our commerce with his dominions is receiving new developments, and it is very pleasing to find that the Government of that great Empire manifests satisfaction with our policy and reposes just confidence in the fairness which marks our intercourse. The unbroken harmony between the United States and the Emperor of Russia is receiving a new support from an enterprise designed to carry telegraphic lines across the continent of Asia, through his dominions, and so to connect us with all Europe by a new channel of intercourse. Our commerce with South America is about to receive encouragement by a direct line of mail steamships to the rising Empire of Brazil. The distinguished party of men of science who have recently left our country to make a scientific exploration of the natural history and rivers and mountain ranges of that region have received from the Emperor that generous welcome which was to have been expected from his constant friendship for the United States and his well-known zeal in promoting the advancement of knowledge. A hope is entertained that our commerce with the rich and populous countries that border the Mediterranean Sea may be largely increased. Nothing will be wanting on the part of this Government to extend the protection of our flag over the enterprise of our fellow-citizens. We receive from the powers in that region assurances of good will; and it is worthy of note that a special envoy has brought us messages of condolence on the death of our late Chief Magistrate from the Bey of Tunis, whose rule includes the old dominions of Carthage, on the African coast.

Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left some traces in our relations with one at least of the great maritime powers. The formal accordance of belligerent rights to the insurgent States was unprecedented, and has not been justified by the issue. But in the systems of neutrality pursued by the powers which made that concession there was a marked difference. The materials of war for the insurgent States were furnished, in a great measure, from the workshops of Great Britain, and British ships, manned by British subjects and prepared for receiving British armaments, sallied from the ports of Great Britain to make war on American commerce under the shelter of a commission from the insurgent States. These ships, having once escaped from British ports, ever afterwards entered them in every part of the world to refit, and so to renew their depredations. The consequences of this conduct were most disastrous to the States then in rebellion, increasing their desolation and misery by the prolongation of our civil contest. It had, moreover, the effect, to a great extent, to drive the American flag from the sea, and to transfer much of our shipping and our commerce to the very power whose subjects had created the necessity for such a change. These events took place before I was called to the administration of the Government. The sincere desire for peace by which I am animated led me to approve the proposal, already made, to submit the question which had thus arisen between the countries to arbitration. These questions are of such moment that they must have commanded the attention of the great powers, and are so interwoven with the peace and interests of every one of them as to have insured an impartial decision. I regret to inform you that Great Britain declined the arbitrament, but, on the other hand, invited us to the formation of a joint commission to settle mutual claims between the two countries, from which those for the depredations before mentioned should be excluded. The proposition, in that very unsatisfactory form, has been declined.

The United States did not present the subject as an impeachment of the good faith of a power which was professing the most friendly dispositions, but as involving questions of public law of which the settlement is essential to the peace of nations; and though pecuniary reparation to their injured citizens would have followed incidentally on a decision against Great Britain, such compensation was not their primary object. They had a higher motive, and it was in the interests of peace and justice to establish important principles of international law. The correspondence will be placed before you. The ground on which the British minister rests his justification is, substantially, that the municipal law of a nation and the domestic interpretations of that law are the measure of its duty as a neutral, and I feel bound to declare my opinion before you and before the world that that justification can not be sustained before the tribunal of nations. At the same time, I do not advise to any present attempt at redress by acts of legislation. For the future, friendship between the two countries must rest on the basis of mutual justice.

From the moment of the establishment of our free Constitution the civilized world has been convulsed by revolutions in the interests of democracy or of monarchy, but through all those revolutions the United States have wisely and firmly refused to become propagandists of republicanism. It is the only government suited to our condition; but we have never sought to impose it on others, and we have consistently followed the advice of Washington to recommend it only by the careful preservation and prudent use of the blessing. During all the intervening period the policy of European powers and of the United States has, on the whole, been harmonious. Twice, indeed, rumors of the invasion of some parts of America in the interest of monarchy have prevailed; twice my predecessors have had occasion to announce the views of this nation in respect to such interference. On both occasions the remonstrance of the United States was respected from a deep conviction on the part of European Governments that the system of noninterference and mutual abstinence from propagandism was the true rule for the two hemispheres. Since those times we have advanced in wealth and power, but we retain the same purpose to leave the nations of Europe to choose their own dynasties and form their own systems of government. This consistent moderation may justly demand a corresponding moderation. We should regard it as a great calamity to ourselves, to the cause of good government, and to the peace of the world should any European power challenge the American people, as it were, to the defense of republicanism against foreign interference. We can not foresee and are unwilling to consider what opportunities might present themselves, what combinations might offer to protect ourselves against designs inimical to our form of government. The United States desire to act in the future as they have ever acted heretofore; they never will be driven from that course but by the aggression of European powers, and we rely on the wisdom and justice of those powers to respect the system of noninterference which has so long been sanctioned by time, and which by its good results has approved itself to both continents.

The correspondence between the United States and France in reference to questions which have become subjects of discussion between the two Governments will at a proper time be laid before Congress.

When, on the organization of our Government under the Constitution, the President of the United States delivered his inaugural address to the two Houses of Congress, he said to them, and through them to the country and to mankind, that—

The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.

And the House of Representatives answered Washington by the voice of Madison:

We adore the Invisible Hand which has led the American people, through so many difficulties, to cherish a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty.

More than seventy-six years have glided away since these words were spoken; the United States have passed through severer trials than were foreseen; and now, at this new epoch in our existence as one nation, with our Union purified by sorrows and strengthened by conflict and established by the virtue of the people, the greatness of the occasion invites us once more to repeat with solemnity the pledges of our fathers to hold ourselves answerable before our fellow-men for the success of the republican form of government. Experience has proved its sufficiency in peace and in war; it has vindicated its authority through dangers and afflictions, and sudden and terrible emergencies, which would have crushed any system that had been less firmly fixed in the hearts of the people. At the inauguration of Washington the foreign relations of the country were few and its trade was repressed by hostile regulations; now all the civilized nations of the globe welcome our commerce, and their governments profess toward us amity. Then our country felt its way hesitatingly along an untried path, with States so little bound together by rapid means of communication as to be hardly known to one another, and with historic traditions extending over very few years; now intercourse between the States is swift and intimate; the experience of centuries has been crowded into a few generations, and has created an intense, indestructible nationality. Then our jurisdiction did not reach beyond the inconvenient boundaries of the territory which had achieved independence; now, through cessions of lands, first colonized by Spain and France, the country has acquired a more complex character, and has for its natural limits the chain of lakes, the Gulf of Mexico, and on the east and the west the two great oceans. Other nations were wasted by civil wars for ages before they could establish for themselves the necessary degree of unity; the latent conviction that our form of government is the best ever known to the world has enabled us to emerge from civil war within four years with a complete vindication of the constitutional authority of the General Government and with our local liberties and State institutions unimpaired.

The throngs of emigrants that crowd to our shores are witnesses of the confidence of all peoples in our permanence. Here is the great land of free labor, where industry is blessed with unexampled rewards and the bread of the workingman is sweetened by the consciousness that the cause of the country "is his own cause, his own safety, his own dignity." Here everyone enjoys the free use of his faculties and the choice of activity as a natural right. Here, under the combined influence of a fruitful soil, genial climes, and happy institutions, population has increased fifteen-fold within a century. Here, through the easy development of boundless resources, wealth has increased with twofold greater rapidity than numbers, so that we have become secure against the financial vicissitudes of other countries and, alike in business and in opinion, are self-centered and truly independent. Here more and more care is given to provide education for everyone born on our soil. Here religion, released from political connection with the civil government, refuses to subserve the craft of statesmen, and becomes in its independence the spiritual life of the people. Here toleration is extended to every opinion, in the quiet certainty that truth needs only a fair field to secure the victory. Here the human mind goes forth unshackled in the pursuit of science, to collect stores of knowledge and acquire an ever-increasing mastery over the forces of nature. Here the national domain is offered and held in millions of separate freeholds, so that our fellow-citizens, beyond the occupants of any other part of the earth, constitute in reality a people. Here exists the democratic form of government; and that form of government, by the confession of European statesmen, "gives a power of which no other form is capable, because it incorporates every man with the state and arouses everything that belongs to the soul."

Where in past history does a parallel exist to the public happiness which is within the reach of the people of the United States? Where in any part of the globe can institutions be found so suited to their habits or so entitled to their love as their own free Constitution? Every one of them, then, in whatever part of the land he has his home, must wish its perpetuity. Who of them will not now acknowledge, in the words of Washington, that "every step by which the people of the United States have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency"? Who will not join with me in the prayer that the Invisible Hand which has led us through the clouds that gloomed around our path will so guide us onward to a perfect restoration of fraternal affection that we of this day may be able to transmit our great inheritance of State governments in all their rights, of the General Government in its whole constitutional vigor, to our posterity, and they to theirs through countless generations?

ANDREW JOHNSON.



SPECIAL MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, December 11, 1865.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

I transmit a report of this date from the Secretary of State, and the papers referred to therein, concerning the Universal Exposition to be held at Paris in the year 1867, in which the United States have been invited by the Government of France to take part. I commend the subject to your early and favorable consideration.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, December 13, 1865.

To the Senate of the United States:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 11th instant, requesting information on the subject of a decree of the so-called Emperor of Mexico of the 3d of October last, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, December 14, 1865.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 11th instant, requesting information relative to a so-called decree concerning the reestablishment of slavery or peonage in the Republic of Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., December 18, 1865.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

In compliance with the requirements of the third section of the act approved March 3, 1865, I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of War, with the accompanying report and estimates of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, December 18, 1865.

To the Senate of the United States:

In reply to the resolution adopted by the Senate on the 12th instant, I have the honor to state that the rebellion waged by a portion of the people against the properly constituted authority of the Government of the United States has been suppressed; that the United States are in possession of every State in which the insurrection existed, and that, as far as it could be done, the courts of the United States have been restored, post-offices reestablished, and steps taken to put into effective operation the revenue laws of the country.

As the result of the measures instituted by the Executive with the view of inducing a resumption of the functions of the States comprehended in the inquiry of the Senate, the people of North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee have reorganized their respective State governments, and "are yielding obedience to the laws and Government of the United States" with more willingness and greater promptitude than under the circumstances could reasonably have been anticipated. The proposed amendment to the Constitution, providing for the abolition of slavery forever within the limits of the country, has been ratified by each one of those States, with the exception of Mississippi, from which no official information has been received, and in nearly all of them measures have been adopted or are now pending to confer upon freedmen the privileges which are essential to their comfort, protection, and security. In Florida and Texas the people are making commendable progress in restoring their State governments, and no doubt is entertained that they will at an early period be in a condition to resume all of their practical relations with the General Government.

In "that portion of the Union lately in rebellion" the aspect of affairs is more promising than, in view of all the circumstances, could well have been expected. The people throughout the entire South evince a laudable desire to renew their allegiance to the Government and to repair the devastations of war by a prompt and cheerful return to peaceful pursuits, and abiding faith is entertained that their actions will conform to their professions, and that in acknowledging the supremacy of the Constitution and laws of the United States their loyalty will be unreservedly given to the Government, whose leniency they can not fail to appreciate and whose fostering care will soon restore them to a condition of prosperity. It is true that in some of the States the demoralizing effects of the war are to be seen in occasional disorders; but these are local in character, not frequent in occurrence, and are rapidly disappearing as the authority of civil law is extended and sustained. Perplexing questions are naturally to be expected from the great and sudden change in the relations between the two races; but systems are gradually developing themselves under which the freedman will receive the protection to which he is justly entitled, and, by means of his labor, make himself a useful and independent member in the community in which he has a home.

From all the information in my possession and from that which I have recently derived from the most reliable authority I am induced to cherish the belief that sectional animosity is surely and rapidly merging itself into a spirit of nationality, and that representation, connected with a properly adjusted system of taxation, will result in a harmonious restoration of the relation of the States to the National Union.

The report of Carl Schurz is herewith transmitted, as requested by the Senate. No reports from the Hon. John Covode have been received by the President. The attention of the Senate is invited to the accompanying report from Lieutenant-General Grant, who recently made a tour of inspection through several of the States whose inhabitants participated in the rebellion.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, December 20, 1865.

To the Senate of the United States:

In reply to the resolution of the Senate of the 19th instant, requesting that the President, if not inconsistent with the public service, communicate to the Senate the "report of General Howard of his observations of the condition of the seceded States and the operation of the Freedmen's Bureau therein," I have to state that the report of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands was yesterday transmitted to both Houses of Congress, as required by the third section of the act approved March 3, 1865.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, December 21, 1865.

To the Senate:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 11th instant, respecting the occupation by the French troops of the Republic of Mexico and the establishment of a monarchy there, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 5, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 19th ultimo, requesting information in regard to any plans to induce the immigration of dissatisfied citizens of the United States into Mexico, their organization there with the view to create disturbances in the United States, and especially in regard to the plans of Dr. William M. Gwin and M.F. Maury, and to the action taken by the Government of the United States to prevent the success of such schemes, I transmit a report from the Acting Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 5, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I have received the following preamble and resolution, adopted by the Senate on the 21st ultimo:

Whereas the Constitution declares that "in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State or district wherein the crime shall have been committed;" and

Whereas several months have elapsed since Jefferson Davis, late president of the so-called Confederate States, was captured and confined for acts notoriously done by him as such, which acts, if duly proved, render him guilty of treason against the United States and liable to the penalties thereof; and

Whereas hostilities between the Government of the United States and the insurgents have ceased, and not one of the latter, so far as is known to the Senate, is now held in confinement for the part he may have acted in the rebellion except said Jefferson Davis: Therefore,

Resolved, That the President be respectfully requested, if compatible with the public safety, to inform the Senate upon what charges or for what reasons said Jefferson Davis is still held in confinement, and why he has not been put upon his trial.

In reply to the resolution I transmit the accompanying reports from the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General, and at the same time invite the attention of the Senate to that portion of my message dated the 4th day of December last which refers to Congress the questions connected with the holding of circuit courts of the United States within the districts where their authority has been interrupted.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 5, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 18th ultimo, requesting information in regard to steps taken by the so-called Emperor of Mexico or by any European power to obtain from the United States a recognition of the so-called Empire of Mexico, and what action has been taken in the premises by the Government of the United States, I transmit a report from the Acting Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 10, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th instant, asking for information in regard to the alleged kidnaping in Mexico of the child of an American lady, I transmit a report from the Acting Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., January 12, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a communication addressed to me by Messrs. John Evans and J.B. Chaifee as "United States Senators elect from the State of Colorado," together with the accompanying documents.

Under authority of the act of Congress approved the 21st day of March, 1864, the people of Colorado, through a convention, formed a constitution making provision for a State government, which, when submitted to the qualified voters of the Territory, was rejected.

In the summer of 1865 a second convention was called by the executive committees of the several political parties in the Territory, which assembled at Denver on the 8th of August, 1865. On the 12th of that month this convention adopted a State constitution, which was submitted to the people on the 5th of September, 1865, and ratified by a majority of 155 of the qualified voters. The proceedings in the second instance for the formation of a State government having differed in time and mode from those specified in the act of March 21, 1864, I have declined to issue the proclamation for which provision is made in the fifth section of the law, and therefore submit the question for the consideration and further action of Congress.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



EXECUTIVE OFFICE, January 20, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I communicate to the Senate herewith, for its constitutional action thereon, the several treaties[5] with the Indians of the Southwest referred to in the accompanying communication from the Secretary of the Interior.

ANDREW JOHNSON.

[Footnote 5: With the confederated tribes of the Arapahoe and Cheyenne Indians, concluded October 14, 1865; with the Apache, Cheyenne, and Arapahoe tribes, respectively, concluded October 17, 1865; with the several bands of the Comanche tribe, concluded October 18, 1865.]



EXECUTIVE OFFICE, January 20, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I communicate to the Senate herewith, for its constitutional action thereon, the several treaties with bands of the Sioux Nation of Indians which are referred to in the accompanying communication from the Secretary of the Interior.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



EXECUTIVE MANSION, January 20, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I communicate to the Senate herewith, for its constitutional action thereon, the treaties with the Omaha and Winnebago Indians referred to in the accompanying communication from the Secretary of the Interior.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 11th instant, requesting information in regard to a negotiation for the transit of United States troops in 1861 through Mexican territory, I transmit a report from the Acting Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a convention between the United States and the Empire of Japan for the reduction of import duties, which was signed at Yedo the 28th of January, 1864.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a convention between the Empire of Japan and the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Holland, providing for the payment to said Governments of the sum of $3,000,000 for indemnities and expenses, which was signed by the respective parties at Yokohama on the 22d of October, 1864.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 17th instant, requesting the President "to communicate to the Senate, if in his opinion not inconsistent with the public interest, any letters from Major-General Sheridan, commanding the Military Division of the Gulf, or from any other officer of the Department of Texas, in regard to the present condition of affairs on the southeastern frontier of the United States, and especially in regard to any violation of neutrality on the part of the army now occupying the right bank of the Rio Grande," I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, bearing date the 24th instant.

Concurring in his opinion that the publication of the correspondence at this time is not consistent with the public interest, the papers referred to in the accompanying report are for the present withheld.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d instant, requesting the communication of any correspondence or other information in regard to a demonstration by the Congress of the United States of Colombia, or any other country, in honor of President Juarez, of the Republic of Mexico, I transmit herewith a report from the Acting Secretary of State, with the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 26, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 8th instant, asking for information in regard to the reported surrender of the rebel pirate vessel called the Shenandoah, I transmit a report from the Acting Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, January 30, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

Believing that the commercial interests of our country would be promoted by a formal recognition of the independence of the Dominican Republic, while such a recognition would be in entire conformity with the settled policy of the United States, I have with that view nominated to the Senate an officer of the same grade with the one now accredited to the Republic of Hayti; and I recommend that an appropriation be made by Congress toward providing for his compensation.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, February 1, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 10th ultimo, requesting information in regard to the organization in the city of New York of the "Imperial Mexican Express Company" under a grant from the so-called Emperor of Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, February 2, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

The accompanying correspondence is transmitted to the Senate in compliance with its resolution of the 16th ultimo, requesting the President, "if not inconsistent with the public interest, to communicate to the Senate any correspondence which may have taken place between himself and any of the judges of the Supreme Court touching the holding of the civil courts of the United States in the insurrectionary States for the trial of crimes against the United States."

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, February 2, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 30th ultimo, requesting the President, "if not incompatible with the public interests, to communicate to the Senate a copy of the late report of Major-General Sherman upon the condition of the States in his department, in which he has lately made a tour of inspection," I transmit herewith a copy of a communication, dated December 22, 1865, addressed to the Headquarters of the Army by Major-General Sherman, commanding the Military Division of the Mississippi.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, February 9, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 10th ultimo, requesting the President of the United States, "if not incompatible with the public interest, to communicate to the House any report or reports made by the Judge-Advocate-General or any other officer of the Government as to the grounds, facts, or accusations upon which Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, jr., Stephen R. Mallory, and David L. Yulee, or either of them, are held in confinement," I transmit herewith reports from the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General, and concur in the opinion therein expressed that the publication of the papers called for by the resolution is not at the present time compatible with the public interest.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, February 10, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit, for the consideration of Congress, a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the minister of France accredited to this Government, and also other papers, relative to a proposed international conference at Constantinople upon the subject of cholera.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 5, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit the accompanying report from the Secretary of War, in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 27th ultimo, requesting information in regard to the distribution of the rewards offered by the Government for the arrest of the assassins of the late President Lincoln.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 5, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 27th ultimo, I transmit, herewith a communication from the Secretary of War, together with the reports of the assistant commissioners of the Freedmen's Bureau made since December 1, 1865.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 6, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In answer to the resolutions of the Senate of the 5th of January and 27th of February last, requesting information in regard to provisional governors of States, I transmit reports from the Secretary of State and the Secretary of War, to whom the resolutions were referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., March 6, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty with the Utah, Yampah-Ute, Pah-Vant, San-Pete-Ute, Tim-p-nogs, and Cum-um-bah bands of the Utah Indians, referred to in the accompanying papers from the Secretary of the Interior.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 6, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 12th of January last, requesting information in regard to provisional governments of certain States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 6, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 27th ultimo, requesting certain information in relation to President Benito Juarez, of Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 8, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit, for the consideration of the Senate, a copy of a letter of the 21st ultimo from the governor of the Territory of Colorado to the Secretary of State, with the memorial to which it refers, relative to the location of the Pacific Railroad.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 12, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit, for your consideration, a copy of two communications from the minister of the United States at Paris, in regard to a proposed exhibition of fishery and water culture, to be held at Arcachon, near Bordeaux, in France, in July next.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 15, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In answer to the resolution of the Senate of the 5th instant, upon the subject of the supposed kidnaping of colored persons in the Southern States for the purpose of selling them as slaves in Cuba, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., March 19, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives dated January 5, 1866, requesting information as to the number of men and officers in the regular and volunteer service of the United States, I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, with the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 20, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 11th of December last, requesting information upon the present condition of affairs in the Republic of Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 21, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty made with the Great and Little Osage Indians on the 29th September, 1865, together with the accompanying papers.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 21, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its constitutional action thereon, a treaty made with the Woll-pah-pe tribe of Snake Indians on the 12th of August, 1865, together with the accompanying papers.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., March 26, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate a memorial of the legislature of Alabama, asking an extension of time for the completion of certain railroads in said State.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, March 30, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty negotiated with the Shawnee Indians, dated March 1, 1866, with supplemental article, dated March 14, 1866, with accompanying communications from the honorable Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 3, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith a report by the Secretary of War, in compliance with the Senate resolution of the 7th March, 1866, respecting the improvement of the Washington City Canal, to promote the health of the metropolis.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., April 3, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 22d ultimo, together with a letter addressed to him by the governor of Alabama, asking that the State of Alabama may be allowed to assume and pay in State bonds the direct tax now due from that State to the United States, or that delay of payment may be authorized until the State can by the sale of its bonds or by taxation make provision for the liquidation of the indebtedness.

I concur in the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury "that it is desirable that the State of Alabama and the other Southern States should be allowed to assume and pay their proportion of the direct taxes now due," and therefore recommend the necessary legislation by Congress.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 4, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit to Congress a report from the Secretary of State, with the accompanying papers, relative to the claim on this Government of the owners of the British vessel Magicienne, and recommend an appropriation for the satisfaction of the claim, pursuant to the award of the arbitrators.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 5, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I herewith transmit communications from the Secretary of the Treasury and the Postmaster-General, suggesting a modification of the oath of office prescribed by the act of Congress approved July 2, 1862. I fully concur in their recommendation, and as the subject pertains to the efficient administration of the revenue and postal laws in the Southern States I earnestly commend it to the early consideration of Congress.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 6, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a supplemental article to the Pottawatomie treaty of November 15, 1861, concluded on the 29th ultimo, together with the accompanying communications from the Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., April 7, 1866.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I transmit a communication from the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying papers, in reference to grants of land made by acts of Congress passed in the years 1850, 1853, and 1856 to the States of Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Louisiana, to aid in the construction of certain railroads. As these acts will expire by limitation on the 11th day of August, 1866, leaving the roads for whose benefit they were conferred in an unfinished condition, it is recommended that the time within which they may be completed be extended for a period of five years.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 11, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 27th ultimo, in relation to the seizure and detention at New York of the steamship Meteor, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State and the papers by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 13, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty concluded with the Bois Forte band of Chippewa Indians on the 7th instant, together with the accompanying communications from the Secretary of the Interior and Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 13, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 10th instant, requesting information in regard to the rights and interests of American citizens in the fishing grounds adjacent to the British Provinces, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 20, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the Senate's resolution of the 8th January, 1866, I transmit herewith a communication from the Secretary of War of the 19th instant, covering copies of the correspondence respecting General Orders, No. 17,[6] issued by the commander of the Department of California, and also the Attorney-General's opinion as to the question whether the order involves a breach of neutrality toward Mexico.

ANDREW JOHNSON.

[Footnote 6: Instructing commanders on the southern frontiers within the Department of California "to take the necessary measures to preserve the neutrality of the United States with respect to the parties engaged in the existing war in Mexico, and to suffer no armed parties to pass the frontier from the United States, nor suffer any arms or munitions of war to be sent over the frontier to either belligerent," etc.]



WASHINGTON, D.C., April 20, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 2d instant, requesting information respecting the collection of the remains of officers and soldiers killed and buried on the various battlefields about Atlanta, I transmit herewith a report on the subject from the Secretary of War.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 21, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith a communication of this date from the Secretary of War, covering a copy of the proceedings of a board of officers in relation to brevet appointments in the Regular Army, requested in the Senate's resolution of the 18th April, 1866.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 23, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a convention which was signed at Tangier on the 31st of May last between the United States and other powers on the one part and the Sultan of Morocco on the other part, concerning the administration and maintenance of a light-house on Cape Spartel.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 23, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 16th instant, requesting information relative to the proposed evacuation of Mexico by French military forces, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



EXECUTIVE MANSION,

Washington, D.C., April 24, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I submit herewith, for the consideration of Congress, the accompanying communication from the Secretary of the Interior, in relation to the Union Pacific Railroad Company, eastern division.

It appears that the company were required to complete 100 miles of their road within three years after their acceptance of the conditions of the original act of Congress. This period expired December 22, 1865. Sixty-two miles had been previously accepted by the Government. Since that date an additional section of 23 miles has been completed. Commissioners appointed for that purpose have examined and reported upon it, and an application has been made for its acceptance.

The failure to complete 100 miles of road within the period prescribed renders it questionable whether the executive officers of the Government are authorized to issue the bonds and patents to which the company would be entitled if this as well as the other requirements of the act had been faithfully observed.

This failure may to some extent be ascribed to the financial condition of the country incident to the recent civil war. As the company appear to be engaged in the energetic prosecution of their work and manifest a disposition to comply with the conditions of the grant, I recommend that the time for the completion of this part of the road be extended and that authority be given for the issue of bonds and patents on account of the section now offered for acceptance notwithstanding such failure, should the company in other respects be thereunto entitled.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., April 28, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty this day concluded with the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations of Indians.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, April 30, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 25th instant, requesting information in regard to the rebel debt known as the cotton loan, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 2, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In reply to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 23d ultimo, I transmit a report from the Secretary of War, from which it will be perceived that it is not deemed compatible with the public interests to communicate to the House the report made by General Smith and the Hon. James T. Brady of their investigations at New Orleans, La.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 4, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 5th of March, 1866, requesting the names of persons worth more than $20,000 to whom special pardons have been issued, and a statement of the amount of property which has been seized as belonging to the enemies of the Government, or as abandoned property, and returned to those who claimed to be the original owners, I transmit herewith reports from the Secretary of State, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, and the Attorney-General, together with a copy of the amnesty proclamation of the 29th of May, 1865, and a copy of the warrants issued in cases in which special pardons are granted. The second, third, and fourth conditions of the warrant prescribe the terms, so far as property is concerned, upon which all such pardons are granted and accepted.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 4, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

Referring to my message of the 12th of March last, communicating information in regard to a proposed exposition of fishery and water culture at Arcachon, in France, I communicate a copy of another dispatch from the minister of the United States in Paris to the Secretary of State, and again invite the attention of Congress to the subject.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 7, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 19th ultimo, I transmit herewith a report from Benjamin C. Truman, relative to the condition of the Southern people and the States in which the rebellion existed.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 9, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit to Congress a copy of a correspondence between the Secretary of State and the acting charge d'affaires of the United States at Guayaquil, in the Republic of Ecuador, from which it appears that the Government of that Republic has failed to pay the first installment of the award of the commissioners under the convention between the United States and Ecuador of the 25th November, 1862, which installment was due on the 17th of February last.

As debts of this character from one government to another are justly regarded as of a peculiarly sacred character, and as further diplomatic measures are not in this instance likely to be successful, the expediency of authorizing other proceedings in case they should ultimately prove to be indispensable is submitted to your consideration.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 10, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 3d instant, requesting information concerning discriminations made by the so-called Maximilian Government of Mexico against American commerce, or against commerce from particular American ports.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 11, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, in answer to that part of the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 7th instant which calls for information in regard to the clerks employed in the Department of State.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 16, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit to Congress a copy of the correspondence between the Secretary of State and Cornelius Vanderbilt, of New York, relative to the joint resolution of the 28th of January, 1864, upon the subject of the gift of the steamer Vanderbilt to the United States.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



EXECUTIVE MANSION,

Washington, May 7, 1866.

Hon. SCHUYLER COLFAX,

Speaker of the House of Representatives.

SIR: I have the honor to submit herewith a communication of the Secretary of War, inclosing one from the Lieutenant-General, relative to the necessity for legislation upon the subject of the Army.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 17, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In further response to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 7th instant, calling for information in regard to clerks employed in the several Executive Departments, I transmit herewith reports from the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of the Interior and the Postmaster-General.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 22, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the Treasury, made in compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 7th instant, calling for information in respect to clerks employed in the several Executive Departments of the Government.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 22, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 27th ultimo, requesting a collation of the provisions in reference to freedmen contained in the amended constitutions of the Southern States and in the laws of those States passed since the suppression of the rebellion, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State, to whom the resolution was referred.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 24, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a report from the Postmaster-General, made in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 14th instant, calling for information relative to the proposed mail steamship service between the United States and Brazil.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 25, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 21st instant, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of War, with the accompanying papers, in reference to the operations of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, May 30, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

With sincere regret I announce to Congress that Winfield Scott, late Lieutenant-General in the Army of the United States, departed this life at West Point, in the State of New York, on the 29th day of May instant, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. I feel well assured that Congress will share in the grief of the nation which must result from its bereavement of a citizen whose high fame is identified with the military history of the Republic.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., May 30, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit a communication from the Secretary of War, covering a supplemental report to that already made to the House of Representatives, in answer to its resolution of the 21st instant, requesting the reports of General Steedman and others in reference to the operations of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 5, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit to the Senate, for its consideration with a view to ratification, a convention between the United States and the Republic of Venezuela on the subject of the claims of citizens of the United States upon the Government of that Republic, which convention was signed by the plenipotentiaries of the parties at the city of Caracas on the 25th of April last.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 9, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a report from the Acting Secretary of the Interior, communicating the information requested by a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 21st ultimo, in relation to the removal of the Sioux Indians of Minnesota and the provisions made for their accommodation in the Territory of Nebraska.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 9, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with a call of the Senate, as expressed in a resolution adopted on the 6th instant, I transmit a copy of the report of the Board of Visitors to the United States Naval Academy for the year 1866.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 11, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 10th ultimo, calling for information relative to the claims of citizens of the United States against the Republic of Venezuela, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 11, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

It is proper that I should inform Congress that a copy of an act of the legislature of Georgia of the 10th of March last has been officially communicated to me, by which that State accepts the donation of lands for the benefit of colleges for agriculture and the mechanic arts, which donation was provided for by the acts of Congress of the 2d of July, 1862, and 14th of April, 1864.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 11, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I communicate and invite the attention of Congress to a copy of joint resolutions of the senate and house of representatives of the State of Georgia, requesting a suspension of the collection of the internal-revenue tax due from that State pursuant to the act of Congress of the 5th of August, 1861.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 13, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 11th instant, requesting information concerning the provisions of the laws and ordinances of the late insurgent States on the subject of the rebel debt, so called, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the document by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 14, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 28th of May, requesting information as to what progress has been made in completing the maps connected with the boundary survey under the treaty of Washington, with copies of any correspondence on this subject not heretofore printed, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents which accompanied it.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 15, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant, calling for information in regard to the departure of troops from Austria to Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 16, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I communicate herewith a report from the Acting Secretary of the Interior, furnishing, as requested by a resolution of the Senate of the 25th ultimo, information touching the transactions of the executive branch of the Government respecting the transportation, settlement, and colonization of persons of the African race.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 18, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In reply to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 11th instant, requesting information in regard to the dispatch of military forces from Austria for service in Mexico, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State on the subject.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., June 20, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In compliance with the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 21st ultimo, requesting information as to the collection of the direct tax in the States whose inhabitants participated in the rebellion, I transmit a communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, accompanied by a report from the Deputy Commissioner of Internal Revenue.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., June 22, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I submit to Congress a report of the Secretary of State, to whom was referred the concurrent resolution of the 18th instant, respecting a submission to the legislatures of the States of an additional article to the Constitution of the United States. It will be seen from this report that the Secretary of State had, on the 16th instant, transmitted to the governors of the several States certified copies of the joint resolution passed on the 13th instant, proposing an amendment to the Constitution.

Even in ordinary times any question of amending the Constitution must be justly regarded as of paramount importance. This importance is at the present time enhanced by the fact that the joint resolution was not submitted by the two Houses for the approval of the President and that of the thirty-six States which constitute the Union eleven are excluded from representation in either House of Congress, although, with the single exception of Texas, they have been entirely restored to all their functions as States in conformity with the organic law of the land, and have appeared at the national capital by Senators and Representatives, who have applied for and have been refused admission to the vacant seats. Nor have the sovereign people of the nation been afforded an opportunity of expressing their views upon the important questions which the amendment involves. Grave doubts, therefore, may naturally and justly arise as to whether the action of Congress is in harmony with the sentiments of the people, and whether State legislatures, elected without reference to such an issue, should be called upon by Congress to decide respecting the ratification of the proposed amendment.

Waiving the question as to the constitutional validity of the proceedings of Congress upon the joint resolution proposing the amendment or as to the merits of the article which it submits through the executive department to the legislatures of the States, I deem it proper to observe that the steps taken by the Secretary of State, as detailed in the accompanying report, are to be considered as purely ministerial, and in no sense whatever committing the Executive to an approval or a recommendation of the amendment to the State legislatures or to the people. On the contrary, a proper appreciation of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, as well as of the interests of national order, harmony, and union, and a due deference for an enlightened public judgment may at this time well suggest a doubt whether any amendment to the Constitution ought to be proposed by Congress and pressed upon the legislatures of the several States for final decision until after the admission of such loyal Senators and Representatives of the now unrepresented States as have been or as may hereafter be chosen in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 22, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

In further answer to recent resolutions of the Senate and House of Representatives, requesting information in regard to the employment of European troops in Mexico, I transmit to Congress a copy of a dispatch of the 4th of this month addressed to the Secretary of State by the minister of the United States at Paris.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, June 22, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 18th instant, calling for information in regard to the arrest and imprisonment in Ireland of American citizens, I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of State on the subject.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON CITY, June 23, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary of the Interior, communicating in part the information requested by a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 23d of April last, in relation to appropriations and expenditures connected with the Indian service.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., June 28, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I transmit a communication from the Secretary of the Navy and the accompanying copy of a report and maps prepared by a board of examiners appointed under authority of the joint resolution approved June 1, 1866, "to examine a site for a fresh-water basin for ironclad vessels of the United States Navy."

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., June 28, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

I transmit herewith reports from the heads of the several Executive Departments, made in answer to the resolution of the House of Representatives of the 4th instant, requesting information as to whether any of the civil or military employees of the Government have assisted in the rendition of public honors to the rebel living or dead.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 7, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Treasury is transmitted to the Senate in compliance with its resolution of the 20th ultimo, calling for a statement of the expenditures of the United States for the various public works of the Government in each State and Territory of the Union and in the District of Columbia from the year 1860 to the close of the year 1865.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., July 7, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty concluded with the Seminole Nation of Indians on the 21st day of March, 1866, together with the accompanying communications from the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., July 7, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit herewith, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty concluded with the Creek Nation of Indians on the 14th day of June, 1866, together with the accompanying communications from the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 17, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of yesterday, requesting information relative to proposed international movements in connection with the Paris Universal Exposition for the reform of systems of coinage, weights, and measures, I transmit a report from the Secretary of State and the documents by which it was accompanied.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 17, 1866.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I herewith transmit to Congress a report, dated 12th instant, with the accompanying papers, received from the Secretary of State, in compliance with the requirements of the eighteenth section of the act entitled "An act to regulate the diplomatic and consular systems of the United States," approved August 18, 1856.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 20, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I transmit, for the constitutional action of the Senate, certain articles of agreement made at the Delaware Agency, Kans., on the 4th instant between the United States and the Delaware Indians.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 20, 1866.

To the Senate:

I herewith submit, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty negotiated at the city of Washington, D.C., on the 19th instant, between the United States, represented by Dennis N. Cooley, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and Elijah Sells, superintendent of Indian affairs for the southern superintendency, and the Cherokee Nation of Indians; represented by its delegates, James McDaniel, Smith Christie, White Catcher, L.H. Benge, J.B. Jones, and Daniel H. Ross.

The distracted condition of the Cherokee Nation and the peculiar relation of many of its members to this Government during the rebellion presented almost insuperable difficulties to treating with them. The treaty now submitted is a result of protracted negotiations. Its stipulations are, it is believed, as satisfactory to the contracting parties and furnish as just provisions for the welfare of the Indians and as strong guaranties for the maintenance of peaceful relations with them as under the circumstances could be expected.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I hereby transmit, for the constitutional action of the Senate, a treaty concluded on the 15th of November, 1865, between the United States and the confederate tribes and bands of Indians of middle Oregon, the same being amendatory and supplemental to the treaty with said Indians of the 25th of June, 1855.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, D.C., July 24, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

The following "Joint resolution, restoring Tennessee to her relations in the Union," was last evening presented for my approval:

Whereas in the year 1861 the government of the State of Tennessee was seized upon and taken possession of by persons in hostility to the United States, and the inhabitants of said State, in pursuance of an act of Congress, were declared to be in a state of insurrection against the United States; and

Whereas said State government can only be restored to its former political relations in the Union by the consent of the lawmaking power of the United States; and

Whereas the people of said State did, on the 22d day of February, 1865, by a large popular vote, adopt and ratify a constitution of government whereby slavery was abolished and all ordinances and laws of secession and debts contracted under the same were declared void; and

Whereas a State government has been organized under said constitution which has ratified the amendment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery, also the amendment proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and has done other acts proclaiming and denoting loyalty: Therefore,

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the State of Tennessee is hereby restored to her former proper practical relations to the Union, and is again entitled to be represented by Senators and Representatives in Congress.

The preamble simply consists of statements, some of which are assumed, while the resolution is merely a declaration of opinion. It comprises no legislation, nor does it confer any power which is binding upon the respective Houses, the Executive, or the States. It does not admit to their seats in Congress the Senators and Representatives from the State of Tennessee, for, notwithstanding the passage of the resolution, each House, in the exercise of the constitutional right to judge for itself of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members, may, at its discretion, admit them or continue to exclude them. If a joint resolution of this kind were necessary and binding as a condition precedent to the admission of members of Congress, it would happen, in the event of a veto by the Executive, that Senators and Representatives could only be admitted to the halls of legislation by a two-thirds vote of each of the Houses.

Among other reasons recited in the preamble for the declaration contained in the resolution is the ratification by the State government of Tennessee of "the amendment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery, also the amendment proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress." If, as is also declared in the preamble, "said State government can only be restored to its former political relations in the Union by the consent of the lawmaking power of the United States," it would really seem to follow that the joint resolution which at this late day has received the sanction of Congress should have been passed, approved, and placed on the statute books before any amendment to the Constitution was submitted to the legislature of Tennessee for ratification. Otherwise the inference is plainly deducible that while, in the opinion of Congress, the people of a State may be too strongly disloyal to be entitled to representation, they may nevertheless, during the suspension of their "former proper practical relations to the Union," have an equally potent voice with other and loyal States in propositions to amend the Constitution, upon which so essentially depend the stability, prosperity, and very existence of the nation.

A brief reference to my annual message of the 4th of December last will show the steps taken by the Executive for the restoration to their constitutional relations to the Union of the States that had been affected by the rebellion. Upon the cessation of active hostilities provisional governors were appointed, conventions called, governors elected by the people, legislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the Congress of the United States. At the same time the courts of the United States were reopened, the blockade removed, the custom-houses reestablished, and postal operations resumed. The amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery forever within the limits of the country was also submitted to the States, and they were thus invited to and did participate in its ratification, thus exercising the highest functions pertaining to a State. In addition nearly all of these States, through their conventions and legislatures, had adopted and ratified constitutions "of government whereby slavery was abolished and all ordinances and laws of secession and debts contracted under the same were declared void." So far, then, the political existence of the States and their relations to the Federal Government had been fully and completely recognized and acknowledged by the executive department of the Government; and the completion of the work of restoration, which had progressed so favorably, was submitted to Congress, upon which devolved all questions pertaining to the admission to their seats of the Senators and Representatives chosen from the States whose people had engaged in the rebellion.

All these steps had been taken when, on the 4th day of December, 1865, the Thirty-ninth Congress assembled. Nearly eight months have elapsed since that time; and no other plan of restoration having been proposed by Congress for the measures instituted by the Executive, it is now declared, in the joint resolution submitted for my approval, "that the State of Tennessee is hereby restored to her former proper practical relations to the Union, and is again entitled to be represented by Senators and Representatives in Congress." Thus, after the lapse of nearly eight months, Congress proposes to pave the way to the admission to representation of one of the eleven States whose people arrayed themselves in rebellion against the constitutional authority of the Federal Government.

Earnestly desiring to remove every cause of further delay, whether real or imaginary, on the part of Congress to the admission to seats of loyal Senators and Representatives from the State of Tennessee, I have, notwithstanding the anomalous character of this proceeding, affixed my signature to the resolution. My approval, however, is not to be construed as an acknowledgment of the right of Congress to pass laws preliminary to the admission of duly qualified Representatives from any of the States. Neither is it to be considered as committing me to all the statements made in the preamble, some of which are, in my opinion, without foundation in fact, especially the assertion that the State of Tennessee has ratified the amendment to the Constitution of the United States proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress. No official notice of such ratification has been received by the Executive or filed in the Department of State; on the contrary, unofficial information from the most reliable sources induces the belief that the amendment has not yet been constitutionally sanctioned by the legislature of Tennessee. The right of each House under the Constitution to judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members is undoubted, and my approval or disapproval of the resolution could not in the slightest degree increase or diminish the authority in this respect conferred upon the two branches of Congress.

In conclusion I can not too earnestly repeat my recommendation for the admission of Tennessee, and all other States, to a fair and equal participation in national legislation when they present themselves in the persons of loyal Senators and Representatives who can comply with all the requirements of the Constitution and the laws. By this means harmony and reconciliation will be effected, the practical relations of all the States to the Federal Government reestablished, and the work of restoration, inaugurated upon the termination of the war, successfully completed.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 25, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I nominate Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to be General of the Army of the United States.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



WASHINGTON, July 26, 1866.

To the House of Representatives:

In answer to two resolutions of the House of Representatives of the 23d instant, in the following words, respectively—

Resolved, That the House of Representatives respectfully request the President of the United States to urge upon the Canadian authorities, and also the British Government, the release of the Fenian prisoners recently captured in Canada;

Resolved, That this House respectfully request the President to cause the prosecutions instituted in the United States courts against the Fenians to be discontinued, if compatible with the public interest—

I transmit a report on the subject from the Secretary of State, together with the documents which accompany it.

ANDREW JOHNSON.



VETO MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, February 19, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States:

I have examined with care the bill, which originated in the Senate and has been passed by the two Houses of Congress, to amend an act entitled "An act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees," and for other purposes. Having with much regret come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my approval to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law.

I might call to mind in advance of these objections that there is no immediate necessity for the proposed measure. The act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not yet expired. It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the purpose in view in time of war. Before it ceases to have effect further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopted in time of peace.

I share with Congress the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and property and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their labor, but the bill before me contains provisions which in my opinion are not warranted by the Constitution and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view.

The bill proposes to establish by authority of Congress military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen. It would by its very nature apply with most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen's Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States "in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion." The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the United States, acting through the War Department and the Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau. The agents to carry out this military jurisdiction are to be selected either from the Army or from civil life; the country is to be divided into districts and subdistricts, and the number of salaried agents to be employed may be equal to the number of counties or parishes in all the United States where freedmen and refugees are to be found.

The subjects over which this military jurisdiction is to extend in every part of the United States include protection to "all employees, agents, and officers of this bureau in the exercise of the duties imposed" upon them by the bill. In eleven States it is further to extend over all cases affecting freedmen and refugees discriminated against "by local law, custom, or prejudice." In those eleven States the bill subjects any white person who may be charged with depriving a freedman of "any civil rights or immunities belonging to white persons" to imprisonment or fine, or both, without, however, defining the "civil rights and immunities" which are thus to be secured to the freedmen by military law. This military jurisdiction also extends to all questions that may arise respecting contracts. The agent who is thus to exercise the office of a military judge may be a stranger, entirely ignorant of the laws of the place, and exposed to the errors of judgment to which all men are liable. The exercise of power over which there is no legal supervision by so vast a number of agents as is contemplated by the bill must, by the very nature of man, be attended by acts of caprice, injustice, and passion.

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