The Religious rilíjas Experience ikspírians of the Roman róuman People - From the Earliest árliast Times táimz to the Age éij of Augustus agástas
by W. Warde wórd Fowler fáular
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In public páblik life, throughout thruáut Roman róuman history hístari, the forms fórmz of religious rilíjas rites ráits were maintained meintéind on all important impórtant occasions akéizhanz. When Varro wrote róut a little manual ményual of Senatorial senatórial procedure prasíjar for the benefit bénafit of the inexperienced inikspírianst Pompeius when consul kánsal in 70 B.C., he was careful kérfal to mention ménshan the preliminary prilímaneri sacrifice sékrafais and auspicatio, performed parfórmd by the presiding prizáiding magistrate méjastreit, who also had to see that the business bíznas de rebus ríbas divinis came first on the paper péipar of agenda ajénda.[526] At one time every speaker spíkar invoked invóukt the gods gádz at the beginning bigíning of his oration oréishan, as well indeed indíd he might in a situation sichuéishan so unusual anyúzhual and trying tráiing for a Roman róuman before the days déiz of Greek grík education ejakéishan; and the earliest árliast speeches spíchaz preserved prazárvd in the literary lítareri age éij, e.g. those of Cato kéitou and the Gracchi, retained ritéind the religious rilíjas exordium.[527] We have a trace tréis of the Gracchan practice préktas in a famous féimas passage pésaj at the end of the work called kóld Rhetorica ad éd Herennium of circ. 82 B.C., where the death déth of Ti. Gracchus is graphically gréfikli described diskráibd.[528] But there is no need to multiply máltaplai examples igzémpalz of public páblik religious rilíjas formalism fórmalizam on occasions akéizhanz of all kinds káindz, on entering éntaring on an office ófas, founding fáunding a colony kálani, leaving líving Rome róum for a provincia, and so on; some of them I have already olrédi mentioned ménshand, others ádharz are familiar famílyar to all classical klésikal students stúdants.

So let lét us not hesitate hézateit for a moment móumant to give this people credit krédat for their religiousness. True trú, their neighbours, Greeks gríks like Polybius, approved aprúvd of it only with an ironical airánikal smile smáil on their lips líps, as we may smile smáil at the devoted divóutad formalism fórmalizam of extreme ekstrím Catholic kéthlik or Protestant prátastant, while we secretly síkritli—if we have some sympathy símpathi with strangely stréinjli varying vériing human hyúman nature néichar—admire edmáir the confidence kánfadans and regularity regyalérati that we cannot kénat ourselves auarsélvz claim kléim. At the moment móumant where I have thus dhás paused pózd before beginning bigíning my second story stóri, at the end, that is, of the regal rígal period píriad, I believe bilív that this religious rilíjas system, though dhóu perhaps parhéps beginning bigíning to harden hárdan, still meant mént a profound proufáund belief bilíf in the Power páuar thus dhás manifested ménafestad in many forms fórmz, and an ardent árdant and effective iféktiv desire dizáiar to be in right relation riléishan to it. I believe bilív that it contained kantéind the germ járm of a living líving and fruitful frútfal growth gróuth; but that growth gróuth was at this very moment móumant arrested aréstad by the beginning bigíning of a process práses of which I shall shél have much to say in the next two or three lectures lékcharz.

But it is hard hárd to realise this better bétar side sáid of the religion rilíjan of a hard hárd and practical préktakal people, and all the more so since it is the worse wárs side sáid that is almost ólmoust always presented prizéntad to us in modern mádarn books búks. It is hard hárd to realise that it was not merely mírli a system of insurance inshúrans, so to speak spík, against all kinds káindz of material matírial evils ívalz,—and here again all the more so because there is a tendency téndansi just now to reduce radús both religion rilíjan and law to an origin órajan in magic méjik, leaving líving the religious rilíjas instinct ínstinkt, the feeling fíling of dependence dipéndans, the progenitor proujénitar of conscience kánshans, quite out of account akáunt. One must indeed indíd be thoroughly thárouli familiar famílyar with Roman róuman literature lítarachar and antiquities entíkwatiz to overcome óuvarkam these difficulties dífakaltiz, to discover diskávar the spiritual spírichawal residuum in the Roman róuman character kériktar beneath biníth all its hardness hárdnas and utilitarianism. Before we pass pés on to the task tésk before us, let lét me make two suggestions sagjéschanz for the help hélp of those who would endeavour indévar to find this spiritual spírichawal residuum. The first is that they should consider kansídar the history hístari and true trú meaning míning of three great words wárdz which Latin létan language léngwaj has bequeathed bakwítht to modern mádarn speech spích,—religio, the feeling fíling of awe á, taking téiking practical préktakal shape shéip in the performance parfórmans of authorised ceremonies séramouniz; sacrum, that which by authoritative athórateitiv usage yúsaj is made over without reserve rizárv to the divine diváin inhabitants inhébatants of the city síti; and last but not least líst, pietas, the sense séns of duty dúti to god gád and man alike aláik, to all divine diváin and human hyúman beings bíingz having héving an authorised claim kléim upon apán you. And this word wárd pietas shall shél introduce intradús my second suggestion sagjéschan—that there is no better bétar way of getting géting to understand andarsténd the spirit spírat of the Roman róuman religion rilíjan than by continual kantínyual study stádi of the Aeneid aníid, where the hero hírou is the ideal aidíl Roman róuman, pius páias in the best bést and widest wáidast sense séns. What makes méiks the Aeneid aníid so helpful hélpfal in this way is the poet's póuat intimate íntamat and sympathetic simpathétik knowledge nálaj of the religious rilíjas ideas aidíaz of the Italians itélyanz, in which we may see reflected rafléktad those of the Roman róuman of the age éij we are now dealing díling with: his love láv too of antiquity entíkwati and of all ancient éinchant rites ráits and legends léjandz; and his conviction kanvíkshan that the great work of Rome róum in the world had been achieved achívd not only by virtus but by pietas. What has been won wán by virtus must be preserved prazárvd by pietas, by the sense séns of duty dúti in family fémali and State stéit,—that is the moral móral of the Aeneid aníid. In no other work of Roman róuman genius jínyas is this idea aidía found in anything énithing like the same degree digrí of prominence prámanans and consistency kansístansi; and when a student stúdant has steeped stípt his mind máind well in the details ditéilz of the Roman róuman worship wárshap, and begins bigínz to weary wíri of what must seem sím its soulless sóullas Pharisaism fériseiizam, let lét him take up the Aeneid aníid and read réd it right through for the story stóri and the characters kériktarz. I will venture vénchar to say that he will think better bétar both of the Romans róumanz and their poet póuat than he ever évar did before. But of the Aeneid aníid I shall shél have more to say later léitar on; at present prézant let lét us turn tárn to the less lés inspiring inspáiring topics tápiks which must occupy ákyapai us for the next few lectures lékcharz.

The last fact fékt of Roman róuman religious rilíjas history hístari which I mentioned ménshand last year was the building bílding of the great Capitoline képitoulain temple témpal of Jupiter júpatar, Juno júnou, and Minerva manárva, and I then explained ikspléind why this constituted kánstatutad a religious rilíjas revolution revalúshan. The next temple témpal of which tradition tradíshan tells télz us was destined déstind for another trias, Ceres síriz, Liber, and Libera; the traditional tradíshanal date déit was 493 B.C., the cause káz a famine féman, and the site sáit was at the foot fút of the Aventine, the plebeian plabían quarter kwórtar outside áutsáid the pomoerium, close klóus to the river rívar where corn-ships kórnshíps might be moored múrd.[529] Ceres síriz, Liber, and Libera are plainly pléinli neither nídhar more nor nór less lés than the three Greek grík corn kórn deities díatiz, Demeter dimítar, Dionysus, and Persephone, in a Latin létan form fórm,[530] whose húz worship wárshap was prominent prámanant in South sáuth Italy ítali and Sicily sísali; and unless anlés we throw thróu tradition tradíshan overboard óuvarbord entirely intáiarli, as indeed indíd has often ófan been done dán, the inference ínfarans is obvious ábvias that this trias came from the Greeks gríks of the south sáuth with an importation importéishan of corn kórn to relieve rilív a famine féman which pressed prést especially aspéshli on the plebs. It is a fact fékt that the temple témpal and its cult kált remained riméind always closely klóusli connected kanéktad with the plebs; they were under the charge chárj of the plebeian plabían aediles, who also in historical histórikal times táimz had the care kér of the corn-supply kórn-saplái necessary nésaseri for the city síti population papyaléishan.[531] Thus dhás, though dhóu we need not accept eksépt in full fúl Livy's statement stéitmant that the very next year corn kórn was imported impórtid from Etruria, Cumae, and Sicily sísali, it cannot kénat be denied dináid that there is a strong stróng consensus kansénsas in the various vérias traditions tradíshanz about the temple témpal, which taken téikan together tagédhar suggest sagjést a Greek grík, non-patrician nán-patríshan, and early árli origin órajan. That the cult kált had at all times táimz a Greek grík character kériktar is undisputed andispyútid fact fékt.

But I am ém not so much concerned kansárnd with the temple témpal itself itsélf as with the date déit and the manner ménar of its foundation faundéishan. It was said to have been founded fáundad in the year 496, and dedicated dédakeitad in 493, in obedience oubídians to directions darékshanz found in "the Sibylline books búks," which books búks, according akórding to the well-known wélnóun tradition tradíshan, had been acquired akwáiard by the last Tarquin, after some haggling hégaling, from an old woman wúman, and placed pléist in the charge chárj of duoviri sacris faciundis. The story stóri itself itsélf is worthless wárthlas in detail ditéil; but the question kwéschan for us is whether wédhar it can be taken téikan as showing shóuing that the Sibylline influence ínfluans then pervading parvéiding the Greek grík world gained géind a footing fúting at Rome róum in any form fórm so early árli as this. Was the temple témpal really founded fáundad in 496, or at some time thereabout? And was it founded fáundad in obedience oubídians to some Sibylline direction darékshan? These questions kwéschanz are of real ríl importance impórtans, for upon apán our answer énsar to them depends dipéndz the date déit of the beginning bigíning of a gradual gréjual metamorphosis metamórfasas of the Roman róuman religious rilíjas practice préktas. The so-called sóukóld Sibylline books búks and their keepers kíparz were responsible rispánsabal, as we shall shél see directly daréktli, for the introduction intradákshan at Rome róum of what was known nóun as the Graecus ritus,—for the foundation faundéishan of temples témpalz to deities díatiz of Greek grík origin órajan, and for other rites ráits which initiated iníshieitad an entirely intáiarli new type táip of religious rilíjas feeling fíling. We need to be sure shúr when all this began bigén.

In the first place, so far fár as I can judge jáj, it is almost ólmoust impossible impásabal to dissociate disóusieit the origin órajan of the temple témpal from Sibylline influence ínfluans. As we have seen sín, the cult kált was Greek grík, and all such Greek grík cults kálts of later léitar times táimz were introduced intradúst by the keepers kíparz of the Sibylline books búks; and further fárdhar, the records rakórdz of temple témpal foundations faundéishanz were among amáng the most carefully kérfali preserved prazárvd facts fékts in Roman róuman annals énalz.[532] I think it is hardly hárdli possible pásabal to suppose sapóuz that a cult kált which came, not from Latium or southern sádharn Etruria, like those of Diana daiéna, Minerva manárva, and the Capitoline képitoulain deities díatiz, but from some Greek grík region ríjan to the south sáuth, and probably prábabli from Sicily sísali, could have been introduced intradúst by Roman róuman authorities athóratiz unaided anéidid by Greek grík influence ínfluans. If that be so, and if we can show shóu that the temple témpal really belongs bilóngz to this early árli age éij, then we have a strong stróng probability prababílati that the Sibylline influence ínfluans gained géind a footing fúting at Rome róum at the very beginning bigíning of the republican ripáblikan period píriad.[533]

There is one curious kyúrias fact fékt in connection kanékshan with the temple témpal that in my opinion apínyan goes góuz far fár to prove prúv that the traditional tradíshanal date déit is not far fár out. Pliny plíni tells télz us explicitly iksplísatli that the two Greek grík artists ártists who decorated dékareitad the temple témpal, Damophilus and Gorgasus, inscribed inskráibd their names néimz on the walls wólz, and he added édad that the work of the former fórmar would be found on the right and that of the latter létar on the left.[534] Nothing náthing more is known nóun about them; but I am ém assured ashúrd that the fact fékt that they signed sáind their names néimz and added édad these statements stéitmants suits súts the character kériktar of Greek grík art árt in the archaic arkéiik age éij 580 to 450 B.C. No signatures sígnacharz of artists ártists are known nóun earlier árliar than about 580; then comes kámz a period píriad when signatures sígnacharz are found, sometimes samtáimz with statements stéitmants such as these. And lastly léstli, about 450, we begin bigín to find simple símpal signatures sígnacharz without any other words wárdz.[535] Thus dhás the presumption prizámpshan is a strong stróng one that the temple témpal belongs bilóngz to a time earlier árliar than 450; and if that be so, then I think the inference ínfarans holds hóuldz good that the Sibyl síbal first gained géind a footing fúting at Rome róum about the same time. There are indeed indíd some reasons rízanz why we should not put this event ivént in the period píriad of the kings kíngz;[536] but if we accept eksépt the traditional tradíshanal date déit of the temple témpal we may put it any time between 509 and 496.

I have purposely párpasli used vague véig terms tármz, such as Sibylline influence ínfluans, instead instéd of speaking spíking in the old manner ménar of Sibylline books búks or oracles órakalz, because it is almost ólmoust incredible inkrédabal that at so early árli a date déit it could have been possible pásabal to divulge diválj any contents kántents of a store stór of writings ráitingz such as must have been most carefully kérfali treasured trézhard and concealed kansíld. This has been shown shóun conclusively kanklúsivli to be out of the question kwéschan in Diels' now famous féimas little book búk "Sibylline Leaves lívz." But we may also follow fálou Diels in assuming asúming that about the end of the sixth síksth century sénchari some kind káind of Greek grík oracle órakal or oracular saying séiing did actually ékchuali arrive aráiv at Rome róum, purporting parpórting to be an utterance átarans of the famous féimas Sibyl síbal of Cumae.[537]

But what was this Sibylline influence ínfluans which thus dhás penetrated pénatreitad to Rome róum, if I am ém right, at the beginning bigíning of the fifth fífth century sénchari? It is no part of my design dizáin to discuss diskás the history hístari of Greek grík mysticism místisizam, though dhóu we shall shél hear hír something more of it in a later léitar lecture lékchar. It will be enough ináf to remind rimáind you that in the sixth síksth century sénchari Greece grís was not only full fúl of Orphism and Pythagoreanism, but of floating flóuting oracular dicta díkta believed bilívd to emanate émaneit from a mystic místik female fímeil figure fígyar, a weird wírd figure fígyar of whom húm it is hard hárd to say how far fár she was human hyúman or divine diváin; and of whose húz origin órajan we know nothing náthing, except iksépt that her original aríjanal home was, as we might expect ikspékt, Asia éizha Minor máinar. She was inspired inspáiard by Apollo apálou,[538] it was said, like the Pythia píthia, and like her too became bikéim [Greek grík: entheos] (possessed pazést) when uttering átaring her prophecies práfasiz; this is the earliest árliast fact fékt we know about her, for a famous féimas fragment frégmant of Heracleitus represents reprazénts her as uttering átaring sayings séiingz "with frenzied frénzid lips líps,"[539]—a tradition tradíshan of which Virgil várjal has made good use in the sixth síksth Aeneid aníid:

non nán vultus, non nán color kálar unus, non nán comptae mansere comae; sed pectus anhelum, et ét rabie fera féra corda kórda tument.

But more to our purpose párpas is the sober sóubar judgment jájmant of Plato pléitou a century sénchari after the first Roman róuman experience ikspírians of her, who in the Phaedrus classes klésaz her among amáng those who have wrought rót much good by their inspired inspáiard utterances átaransiz.[540] This passage pésaj may help hélp us to understand andarsténd how ready rédi men mén were at that time to turn tárn for aid éid in tribulation tribyaléishan to what they believed bilívd to be divine diváin help hélp, to an inspired inspáiard wisdom wízdam beyond biánd the range réinj of the local deities díatiz of their own city-states síti-stéits.

This Sibyl síbal became bikéim gradually gréjuali localised in certain sártan Greek grík cities sítiz, and thereby dhérbái broke bróuk up, as it were, into several sévral Sibyls. One of these Sibylline homes hóumz was at Cumae in Campania, the oldest óuldast Greek grík city síti in Italy ítali, and this enables enéibalz us to explain ikspléin easily ízali how the name néim and fame féim of the Sibyl síbal reached rícht Rome róum. Dim dím as is all early árli Roman róuman history hístari, the one clear klír fact fékt of the sixth síksth century sénchari is, as we have seen sín, the rapid répad advance advéns of the Etruscans itráskanz, their occupation akyapéishan of Rome róum, Praeneste, and other Latin létan cities sítiz, and their conquest kánkwest of Campania, which is now ascribed askráibd to that same age éij.[541] Legend léjand told tóuld in later léitar days déiz how the last Etruscan itráskan king kíng had taken téikan refuge réfyuj at Cumae after his expulsion ikspálshan from Rome róum, and it is just possible pásabal that it may here be founding fáunding upon apán some dim dím recollection rekalékshan of a fact fékt. However this may be, it is plain pléin that it was through the great Etruscan itráskan disturbance distárbans of that period píriad that Rome róum came to make trial tráial of Sibylline utterances átaransiz. In a moment móumant of distress distrés—the famine féman of which I spoke spóuk just now, and which I take to be historical histórikal because the remedy rémadi, the temple témpal under the Aventine, was so closely klóusli connected kanéktad with the corn-supply kórn-saplái—she sent sént for or admitted admítad an utterance átarans of the Sibyl síbal of Cumae, with whom húm she had come into some kind káind of contact kántekt through her Etruscan itráskan kings kíngz.

Let lét us consider kansídar that this foreign fóran dynasty dáinasti must have brought brót a new population papyaléishan to the city síti on the Tiber táibar, the chief chíf strategic stratíjik point of middle mídal Italy ítali,—a new element élamant of plebs, whatever watévar the old one may have been.[542] We have seen sín signs sáinz, even in the religious rilíjas history hístari of this age éij, that commerce kámars and industry índastri were increasing inkrísing, and that their increase inkrís was due to a movement múvmant from without, rather rédhar than to the old patrician patríshan gentes. When the Etruscan itráskan dynasty dáinasti fell fél and the old patrician patríshan influence ínfluans was restored ristórd, the government must have been face féis to face féis with new difficulties dífakaltiz, and among amáng them the supply saplái of corn kórn for an increasing inkrísing population papyaléishan in years of bad béd harvest hárvast. With a fresh frésh source sórs of supply saplái from the south sáuth came the cult kált of the Greek grík corn-deities kórn-díatiz at the bidding bíding of a Sibylline utterance átarans; and henceforward that remedy rémadi was available avéilabal for other troubles trábalz. But the patrician patríshan rulers rúlarz of Rome róum were true trú, it would seem sím, as far fár as was possible pásabal, to the old ways wéiz, and for a long time they used this foreign fóran remedy rémadi very sparingly spéringli. At what date déit the utterances átaransiz were collected kaléktad in "books búks" and deposited dapázitid in the Capitoline képitoulain temple témpal we do not know, nor nór have we any certain sártan knowledge nálaj of their original aríjanal nature néichar or form fórm. Tradition tradíshan said that the collection kalékshan dated déitid from the last king's kíng reign réin, and that it was placed pléist in the care kér of duoviri sacris faciundis, as we have seen sín, who in 367 B.C. gave géiv way to decemviri, five of whom húm might be members mémbarz of the plebs. I am ém myself maisélf inclined inkláind to conjecture kanjékchar that this comparatively kampérativli late léit date déit may be the real ríl date déit of the origin órajan of a permanent pármanant collection kalékshan and a permanent pármanant college kálij of keepers kíparz, and that the earlier árliar duoviri were only temporary témpareri religious rilíjas officers ófasarz, sacris faciundis, i.e. for the carrying kériing out of the directions darékshanz of Sibylline utterances átaransiz specially spéshali sought sót for at Cumae. They would thus dhás be of the same class klés as other special spéshal commissions kamíshanz appointed apóintad by the Senate sénat for administrative admínastreitiv purposes párpasaz;[543] while the decemviri, though dhóu retaining ritéining the old title táital, were permanent pármanant religious rilíjas officers ófasarz appointed apóintad to collect kalékt and take charge chárj of a new and important impórtant set of regulations regyaléishanz for the benefit bénafit of the community kamyúnati, and one which concerned kansárnd the plebs at least líst as much as the patricians patríshanz.

But I must turn tárn to the more important impórtant question kwéschan how far fár, down to the war wór with Hannibal hénibal, when I shall shél take up the subject sabjékt afresh afrésh, the Roman róuman religion rilíjan was affected aféktad for good or harm hárm by these utterances átaransiz and their keepers kíparz. They took túk effect ifékt in two ways wéiz: either ídhar by introducing intradúsing new deities díatiz and settling sétaling them in new temples témpalz, or by ordering órdaring and organising new ceremonies séramouniz such as Rome róum had never seen sín before.

The introduction intradákshan of a new deity díati now and again was not of great account akáunt from the point of view vyú of religion rilíjan, except iksépt in so far fár as it encouraged enkárijd the new ceremonies séramouniz; the Romans róumanz had never taken téikan much personal pársinil interest íntrast in their deities díatiz, and the arrival aráival (outside áutsáid the pomoerium in each case) of Hermes hármiz under the name néim of Mercurius, or Poseidon pasáidan bearing béring the name néim of the old Roman róuman water wótar numen Neptunus, or even of Asclepios with a Romanised name néim Aesculapius, would not be likely láikli to affect afékt greatly gréitli their ideas aidíaz of the divine diváin. These facts fékts have rather rédhar a historical histórikal than a religious rilíjas significance sagnífikans; Hermes hármiz Empolaios, for example igzémpal, suggests sagjésts trade tréid with Greek grík cities sítiz, perhaps parhéps in grain gréin,[544] and belongs bilóngz therefore dhérfor to the same class klés as Ceres síriz, Liber, Libera, of whom húm I have already olrédi spoken spóukan. The arrival aráival of Poseidon-Neptune pasáidan-néptun may mean, as Dr dráiv. Carter kártar has suggested sagjéstad, a kind káind of "marine marín insurance inshúrans" for the vessels vésalz carrying kériing the grain gréin from Greek grík ports pórts.[545] The settling sétaling of Aesculapius in the Tiber táibar island áiland in 293, as the result rizált of a terrible térabal pestilence péstalans, is interesting íntrasting as being the first fact fékt known nóun to us in the history hístari of medicine médasan at Rome róum; the temple témpal became bikéim a kind káind of hospital háspital on the model mádal of Epidaurus, where the god gád had been brought brót in the form fórm of a snake snéik by an embassy émbasi sent sént for the purpose párpas, and the priests prísts who served sárvd it were probably prábabli Greeks gríks skilled skíld in the healing híling art árt.[546] This last case is a curious kyúrias example igzémpal of new Roman róuman religious rilíjas experience ikspírians, but it can hardly hárdli be said to have any deep díp significance sagnífikans in the religious rilíjas history hístari of Rome róum. Of the obliteration ablitaréishan of the old numen Neptunus by the Greek grík god gád who took túk his name néim we know nothing náthing for good or ill íl; we are ignorant ígnarant of the real ríl meaning míning of the old numen, and cannot kénat tell tél whether wédhar the loss lós of him was compensated kámpanseitad by the usefulness yúsfalnas of his name néim in Roman róuman literature lítarachar to represent reprazént the Greek grík god gád of the sea.

Let lét us turn tárn to the much more important impórtant subject sabjékt of the new ceremonies séramouniz ordered órdard by the Sibylline "books búks." The first authentic athéntik case of such innovation inavéishan occurred akárd in 399 B.C., during the long and troublesome trábalsam siege síj of the dangerous déinjaras neighbour city síti Veii; I call kól it authentic athéntik because all the best bést modern mádarn authorities athóratiz so reckon rékan it, though dhóu it occurred akárd before the destruction distrákshan of old records rakórdz during the capture képchar of the city síti by the Gauls gólz. The circumstances sárkamstensaz were such as to fix fíks themselves dhemsélvz in the memory mémari of the people, and in one way or another they found their way into the earliest árliast annals énalz, probably prábabli those of Fabius Pictor, composed kampóuzd during the Second Punic pyúnik War wór.[547]

The previous prívias winter wíntar, Livy tells télz us,[548] was one of extraordinary ekstraórdaneri severity sivériti; the roads róudz were blocked blákt with snow snóu, and navigation névagéishan on the Tiber táibar stopped stápt by the ice áis. This miserable mízarabal winter wíntar was followed fáloud too suddenly sádanli by a hot hát season sízan, in which a plague pléig broke bróuk out which consumed kansúmd both man and beast bíst, and continued kantínyud so persistently parsístantli that the Senate sénat ordered órdard the Sibylline books búks to be consulted kansáltad. This persistence parsístans is the first point we should notice nóutas; "Cuius insanabili pernicie quando nec nék causa nec nék finis inveniebatur,"—so wrote róut Livy, evidently évadantli meaning míning to express iksprés an extremity ekstrémati of trouble trábal which would not give way to ordinary órdaneri religious rilíjas remedies rémadiz. We may compare kampér his account akáunt of the next recorded rakórdad consultation kansaltéishan of the books búks (Livy vii. 2), when neither nídhar the old rites ráits nor nór even the new ones wánz were sufficient safíshant to secure sikyúr the pax péks deorum and abate abéit another pestilence péstalans, and recourse ríkors was had to yet yét another remedy rémadi in the form fórm of ludi scenici. The times táimz were out of joint jóint,—the peace pís of the gods gádz was broken bróukan, and thus dhás the community kamyúnati was no longer lóngar in right relation riléishan to the Power páuar manifesting ménafesting itself itsélf in the universe yúnavars. The result rizált was a revival riváival of religio, of the feeling fíling of alarm alárm and anxiety engzáiati out of which the whole hóul religious rilíjas system had grown gróun. The old deities díatiz might seem sím to be forsaking forséiking their functions fánkshanz, since the old rites ráits had ceased síst to appeal apíl to them. Mysterious mistírias and persistent parsístant pestilence péstalans is a great tamer téimar of human hyúman courage káraj; it is a new experience ikspírians that man knows nóuz not how to meet mít, and in ancient éinchant life it was also a new religious rilíjas experience ikspírians.

The remedy rémadi was as new as the pestilence péstalans, and almost ólmoust as pernicious parníshas. During eight éit days déiz Rome róum saw three pairs pérz of deities díatiz reclining rikláining in the form fórm of images ímajaz on couches káuchiz, before which were spread spréd tables téibalz covered kávard with food fúd and drink drínk. Whether wédhar in this first case they were taken téikan out of the temples témpalz and exposed ikspóuzd to view vyú in certain sártan places pléisaz, e.g. the forum fóram, is not clear klír; later léitar on, in the days déiz of supplicationes, of which more will be said presently prézantli, they were visited vízatad in procession praséshan. The three pairs pérz were Apollo apálou and Latona latóuna, Diana daiéna and Hercules hárkyaliz, Mercurius and Neptunus; all of them Greek grík, or, as in the case of Diana daiéna, Mercurius, and Neptunus, Roman róuman deities díatiz in their new Greek grík form fórm. We cannot kénat trace tréis the special spéshal applicability eplakabílati of all of them to the trouble trábal they were thus dhás invoked invóukt to appease apíz,—another point that suggests sagjésts a complete kamplít revolution revalúshan in the Roman róuman ways wéiz of contemplating kántampleiting divine diváin beings bíingz. These are not functional fánkshanal numina, but foreigners fóranarz whose húz ways wéiz were only known nóun to the manipulators manípyaleitarz of the Sibylline utterances átaransiz. They seem sím like quack kwék remedies rémadiz, of which the action ékshan is unknown annóun to the consumer kansúmar.

New also, but better bétar in its effect ifékt, was the publicity pablísati of these proceedings prousídingz, and the part taken téikan in them by the whole hóul population papyaléishan, patrician patríshan and plebeian plabían, men mén, women wíman, and children. If we can trust trást Livy's further fárdhar statements stéitmants, every one left his door dór open óupan and kept képt open óupan house, inviting inváiting all to come in, whether wédhar known nóun or unknown annóun; all old quarrels kwóralz were made up, and no new ones wánz suffered sáfard to begin bigín; prisoners prízanarz were freed fríd from their chains chéinz, and universal yunavársal good-will gúdwíl prevailed privéild. These eight éit days déiz were in fact fékt kept képt as holidays háladeiz, and doubtless dáutlas by the novelty návalti of the whole hóul scene sín the astute astút authorities athóratiz hoped hóupt to inspire inspáir fresh frésh hope hóup and confidence kánfadans, and to divert daivárt attention aténshan from the prevailing privéiling misery mízari, just as our soldiers sóuljarz in India índia are induced indúst to forget fargét the presence prézans of cholera kálara in a station stéishan by constant kánstant games géimz and amusements amyúzmants. That this was really one leading líding object ábjekt of the whole hóul show shóu is not generally jénarali recognised by historians histórianz; but it seems símz fully fúli explained ikspléind by the fact fékt I mentioned ménshand just now, that in the similar símalar trouble trábal of 349 B.C. recourse ríkors was had for the first time to ludi scenici in order órdar to amuse amyúz the people. In the history hístari of the Hannibalic war wór we shall shél have plenty plénti of opportunity apartúnati of noting nóuting this kind káind of expedient ikspídiant. The Roman róuman people, we must remember rimémbar, were getting géting more and more to be inhabitants inhébatants of a large lárj city síti, and, as such, to seek sík for entertainment entartéinmant, like all citizens sítazanz in all ages éijaz. The religious rilíjas rites ráits of the old calendar kélandar were perhaps parhéps by this time getting géting too familiar famílyar, losing lúzing their original aríjanal meaning míning; whether wédhar they had ever évar been very entertaining entartéining to a city síti population papyaléishan may be doubted dáutid. Something more showy shóui was needed nídad; processions prouséshanz had always been to the taste téist of the Roman róuman, and banquets bénkwats, such as the epulum Iovis, which I have already olrédi noticed nóutast, often ófan accompanied akámpanid the processions prouséshanz.

Now, this love láv of show shóu and novelty návalti, of which we have abundant abándant evidence évadans later léitar on as a Roman róuman characteristic keraktarístik, taken téikan together tagédhar with the anxiety engzáiati and alarm alárm—the new religio—arising aráizing from the pestilence péstalans, will sufficiently safíshantli explain ikspléin the lectisternia, as these shows shóuz were called kóld. We have here in fact fékt the first appearance apírans, constantly kánstantli recurring rikáring in later léitar Roman róuman history hístari, of a tendency téndansi to seek sík not only for novelty návalti, but for a more emotional imóushanal expression ikspréshan of religious rilíjas feeling fíling than was afforded afórdad by the old forms fórmz of sacrifice sékrafais and prayer prér, conducted kandáktad as they were by the priest príst on behalf bihéf of the community kamyúnati without its active éktiv participation partisapéishan. Those old forms fórmz might do for the old patrician patríshan community kamyúnati of farmers fármarz and warriors wóriarz, but not so well for the new and ever-increasing évar-inkrísing population papyaléishan of artisans ártazanz and other workmen wárkmin, whether wédhar of Roman róuman or foreign fóran descent disént. It would seem sím, indeed indíd, as if the sensitiveness sénsativnas of the human hyúman fibre fáibar of a primitive prímativ community kamyúnati increases inkrísaz with its increasing inkrísing complexity kampléksati, and with the greater gréitar variety varáiati of experience ikspírians to which it is exposed ikspóuzd; and in the case of Rome róum, as if the simple símpal ancient éinchant methods méthadz of dealing díling with the divine diváin inhabitants inhébatants of the city síti were no longer lóngar adequate édakwat to the needs nídz of a State stéit which was steering stíring its way to empire émpaiar among amáng so many difficulties dífakaltiz and perils péralz. It is not indeed indíd certain sártan that the new rites ráits, or some points póints in them, may not have had their prototypes próutataips in old Italian itélyan usage yúsaj, though dhóu the lectisternia, the actual ékchawal display displéi of gods gádz in human hyúman form fórm and in need of food fúd like human hyúman beings bíingz, are almost ólmoust certainly sártanli Greek grík in origin órajan.[549] But so far fár as we can guess gés, the emotional imóushanal element élamant was wholly hóuli new. True trú, Livy tells télz us in two passages pésajaz of his third thárd book búk of occasions akéizhanz when men mén, women wíman, and children flocked flákt to all the shrines shráinz (omnia delubra) seeking síking for the pax péks deorum at the invitation invitéishan of the senate sénat; but the early árli date déit, the great improbability of the senate sénat taking téiking any such step stép, and the absence ébsans of any mention ménshan of the priesthoods, makes méiks it difficult dífakalt to believe bilív that these assertions asárshanz are based béist on any genuine jényawan record rakórd. We must be content kántent to mark márk the first lectisternia in 399 as the earliest árliast authentic athéntik example igzémpal of the emotional imóushanal tendency téndansi of the Roman róuman plebs.[550]

If we can judge jáj of this period píriad of Roman róuman religious rilíjas history hístari by the general jénaral tendency téndansi of the policy pálasi of the Roman róuman government, we may see here a deliberate dilíbarat attempt atémpt to include inklúd the new population papyaléishan in worship wárshap of a kind káind that would calm kám its fears fírz, engage engéij its attention aténshan, and satisfy sétasfai its emotion imóushan, while leaving líving uncontaminated ankantémaneitad the old ritual ríchual that had served sárvd the State stéit so long. If this conclusion kanklúzhan be a right one, then we must allow aláu that the new ceremonial seramóunial had its use. Dr dráiv. Frazer fréizar has lately léitli told tóuld us in his eloquent élakwant and persuasive parswéisiv way, of how much value vélyu superstition suparstíshan has been in building bílding up moral móral habits hébats and the instinct ínstinkt of submission sabmíshan to civil síval order órdar. His thesis thísas might be illustrated ílastreitad adequately édakwatli from the history hístari of Rome róum alone alóun. But from a purely pyúrli religious rilíjas point of view vyú the story stóri of the lectisternia is a sad séd one. The old Roman róuman invisible invízabal numen, working wárking with force fórs in a particular partíkyalar department dipártmant of human hyúman life and its environment inváiranmant, was a far fár nobler nóublar mental méntal conception kansépshan, and far fár more likely láikli to grow gróu into a power páuar for good, than the miserable mízarabal images ímajaz of Graeco-Roman full-blown fúlblóun gods gádz and goddesses gádasiz reclining rikláining on their couches káuchiz and appearing apíring to partake partéik of dinner dínar like a human hyúman citizen sítazan. Such ideas aidíaz of the divine diváin must have forced fórst men's mén religious rilíjas ideas aidíaz clean klín away awéi from the Power páuar manifesting ménafesting itself itsélf in the universe yúnavars, and must have dragged drégd down the Roman róuman numina with them in their corrupting karápting degradation degradéishan. According akórding to our definition defaníshan of it, religion rilíjan was now in a fair fér way to disappear disapír altogether oltagédhar; what was destined déstind to take its place was not really religion rilíjan at all. Nor nór did it in any way assist asíst the growth gróuth of an individual indavíjawal conscience kánshans, as perhaps parhéps did some of the later léitar religious rilíjas forms fórmz introduced intradúst from without. It was of value vélyu for the moment móumant to the State stéit, in satisfying sétisfaiing a population papyaléishan greatly gréitli disturbed distárbd by untoward antuórd events ivénts; and that was all.

Closely klóusli connected kanéktad with the lectisternia, and following fálouing close klóus upon apán them in chronological kranalájikal order órdar, were the processional praséshanal ceremonies séramouniz called kóld supplicationes. The historical histórikal relation riléishan between the two is by no means mínz clear klír; but if we conclude kanklúd, as I am ém fairly férli sure shúr we may, that the lectisternia were shows shóuz of a joyful jóifal character kériktar, accompanied akámpanid, as Livy describes diskráibz the first one, with private práivat entertainments entartéinmants, and meant mént to keep kíp up the spirits spírits of the plebeian plabían population papyaléishan, and if we then turn tárn to the early árli supplicationes, in which men mén, women wíman, and children, coronati, and carrying kériing laurel lóral branches brénchaz, went in procession praséshan to the temples témpalz, and there prostrated themselves dhemsélvz after the Greek grík fashion féshan, the women wíman "crinibus passis aras verrentes," we shall shél be disposed dispóuzd to look on them as, in origin órajan at least líst, distinct distínkt from each other.[551] We may conjecture kanjékchar that the appearance apírans of the gods gádz in human hyúman form fórm at the doors dórz of their temples témpalz suggested sagjéstad to the plebeian plabían women wíman a kind káind of emotional imóushanal worship wárshap which was alien éilian to the old Roman róuman feeling fíling, but familiar famílyar enough ináf to those (and they must have been many) who knew the life of the Greek grík cities sítiz of Italy ítali. It may be that they had tried tráid it even in earlier árliar times táimz; but anyhow énihau, in the fourth fórth and third thárd centuries sénchariz B.C. advantage edvéntij was taken téikan of the pulvinaria to use them as stopping-places stáping-pléisaz in the procession praséshan of a supplicatio, and the phrase fréiz becomes bikámz a common káman one in the annals énalz, "supplicatio ad éd omnia pulvinaria indicta." The lectisternia were ordered órdard five times táimz in the fourth fórth century sénchari;[552] by that time, it would seem sím likely láikli, the supplicationes had become bikám an authorised institution institúshan, and had perhaps parhéps embodied imbádid the practice préktas of lectisternia in the way suggested sagjéstad above abáv. We shall shél meet mít with them again when we come to the religious rilíjas history hístari of the war wór with Hannibal hénibal.

One word wárd more before I leave lív this subject sabjékt for the present prézant. In all this innovation inavéishan we must not forget fargét to note nóut the growth gróuth of individual indavíjawal feeling fíling as distinguished distíngwisht from the old worship wárshap of civic sívik grouping grúping, in which the individual indavíjawal, as such, was of little or no account akáunt. I pointed póintad out the first signs sáinz of this individualism individúalizam when speaking spíking of the temple témpal of the Capitoline képitoulain Jupiter júpatar, and we shall shél have reason rízan to mark márk its rapid répad growth gróuth further fárdhar. We are now, in fact fékt, and must realise that we are, in a period píriad in which, throughout thruáut the Graeco-Roman world, the need was beginning bigíning to be felt félt of some new rule rúl of individualistic indivijualístik morality marélati. The Roman róuman population papyaléishan, now recruited rikrútid from many sources sórsaz, was but reflecting raflékting this need unconsciously ankánshasli when it insisted insístad on new emotional imóushanal rites ráits and expiations. The Roman róuman authorities athóratiz were forced fórst to satisfy sétasfai the demand diménd; but in doing dúing so they made no real ríl contribution kantrabyúshan to the history hístari of Roman róuman religious rilíjas experience ikspírians. It was impossible impásabal that they should do so; they represented reprazéntad the old civic sívik form fórm of religion rilíjan, "bound báund up with the life of a society sasáiati, and unable anéibal to contemplate kántampleit the individual indavíjawal except iksépt as a member mémbar of it."[553] The new forms fórmz of worship wárshap, the supplicatio and lectisternium, could not be, as the old forms fórmz had in some sense séns been, the consecration kansakréishan of civic sívik and national néshanal life. They were to the Romans róumanz as the worship wárshap of Baal to the Jews júz of the time of the Kings kíngz; and, unlike anláik that poisonous póizanas cult kált, they could never be rooted rútad out.[554][555]

NOTES nóuts TO LECTURE lékchar XI shí

[510] This is the expression ikspréshan of Sallust, Catil. 12. 3.

[511] See my paper péipar on the Latin létan history hístari of the word wárd religio, in Transactions trenzékshanz of the Congress kángras for the History hístari of Religions rilíjanz, 1909, vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto átou in Archiv, 1909, p. 533 foll.

[512] Cic. de Nat nét. Deorum, ii. 8.

[513] Cic. Harusp. resp. 19.

[514] Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, l.c.; Gellius, Noct. Att. ii. 28. 2.

[515] Polyb. vi vái. 56.

[516] Posidonius ap. Athenaeum ethaníam vi vái. 274 A; Dion dáian. Hal hél. ii. 27. 3.

[517] Gell jél. ii. 28.

[518] Marquardt márkwart, iii. 126.

[519] Cato kéitou, R.R. 142.

[520] Calpurnius, Eclogue, v. 24. I have described diskráibd a similar símalar scene sín in the Alps élps in A Year with the Birds bárdz, ed éd. 2, p. 126.

[521] Petronius, Sat sét. 117: "His ita áita ordinatis, quod bene béna feliciterque eveniret precati deos, viam ingredimur." I owe óu this reference réfarans, as others ádharz in this context kántekst, to Appel's épal treatise trítas de Romanorum precationibus, p. 56 foll.

[522] Varro, R.R. i. 1.

[523] e.g. Virg. Aen. v. 685 (Aeneas énias during the burning bárning of the fleet flít); Aen. xii. 776 (Turnus in extremity ekstrémati). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6 (in sickness síknas).

[524] A good example igzémpal is Captivi, 922: "Iovi disque dísk ago agóu gratias merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri reddiderunt," etc etsétara.

[525] For gratitude grétatud to human hyúman beings bíingz see Valerius Maximus v. 2. A good example igzémpal of gratitude grétatud to a deity díati is in Gell jél. N.A. iv. 18; but it is told tóuld of Scipio sípiou the elder éldar, who was eccentric ikséntrik for a Roman róuman. When accused akyúzd by a tribune tríbyun of peculation in Asia éizha he said, "Non nán igitur simus adversum deos ingrati et ét, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc, eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum." Public páblik gratitude grétatud to the gods gádz is frequent fríkwant in later léitar supplicationes, e.g. Livy xxx. 17. 6.

[526] Gellius, N.A. xiv. 7. 9.

[527] Servius ad éd Aen. xi shí. 301 ("praefatus divos solio rex réks infit ab éb alto éltou").

[528] This was in a contio: "Cum kám Gracchus deos inciperet precari." See above abáv, Lecture lékchar VII. note nóut 13.

[529] See R.F. p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, R.K. p. 243. For the relation riléishan of the pomoerium to the wall wól, see above abáv, p. 94.

[530] The process práses is amusingly amyúzingli explained ikspléind by Carter kártar in The Religion rilíjan of Numa, p. 72 foll.

[531] R.F. p. 75.

[532] See Aust óst, De aedibus sacris P.R., passim pesím.

[533] Lately léitli this has been denied dináid by Pais péiz, Storia di Roma róuma, i. 339.

[534] Pliny plíni, N.H. 35, 154.

[535] I owe óu the information infarméishan to my friend frénd Prof. Percy pársi Gardner gárdnar.

[536] See Carter kártar, op áp. cit. p. 66; but I am ém not sure shúr that his reasons rízanz are conclusive kanklúsiv.

[537] Diels, Sibyllinische Blaetter, p. 6 foll., and cp. 79.

[538] It should be noted nóutad that the cult kált of Apollo apálou in Rome róum was older óuldar than the introduction intradákshan of Sibylline influence ínfluans; so at least líst it is generally jénarali assumed asúmd. Wissowa, however (R.K. p. 239), puts púts it as "gleichzeitig." The date déit of the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the oldest óuldast Apolline épalain fanum in Rome róum (outside áutsáid pomoerium), is unknown annóun; that of the temple témpal on the same site sáit was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and 29). There is little doubt dáut that the Apollo-cult apálou-kált spread spréd from Cumae northwards, and was by this time well established istéblisht in Italy ítali. (The foundation faundéishan of the temple témpal of 431, consisting kansísting of opus óupas quadratum, still in part survives sarváivz: Huelsen-Jordan, Rom rám. Topographie, iii. 535).

[539] Heracleitus, fragm. xii., ed éd. Bywater báiwotar.

[540] Phaedrus, p. 244.

[541] So Korte kórt in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl., s.v. "Etrusker."

[542] The present prézant tendency téndansi is to take the plebs as representing reprizénting an older óuldar population papyaléishan of Latium before the arrival aráival of the patricians patríshanz; see, e.g., Binder báindar, Die dái Plebs, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later léitar days déiz is not to be explained ikspléind on one hypothesis haipáthasas only.

[543] e.g. in religious rilíjas matters métarz the duoviri aedi dedicandae; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 601 foll.

[544] Carter kártar, Religion rilíjan of Numa, p. 77 foll. It is uncertain ansártan whether wédhar there was a Roman róuman Mercurius of earlier árliar origin órajan, or whether wédhar the name néim Mercurius (i.e. concerned kansárnd in trade tréid) was a new invention invénshan to avoid avóid using yúzing the Greek grík name néim, as in the case of the trias Ceres síriz, Liber, Libera.

[545] Carter kártar, op áp. cit. 81. The connection kanékshan of this Poseidon-Neptunus and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed kanfármd by the fact fékt that the two were paired pérd in the first lectisternium, 399 B.C. Livy v. 13.

[546] Wissowa, R.K. p. 254.

[547] See Diels, Sib síb. Blaetter, p. 12, note nóut 1.

[548] Livy v. 13.

[549] I have discussed diskást the possibility pasabílati of the epulum Iovis being an old Italian itélyan rite ráit in R.F. p. 215 foll. For the Greek grík origin órajan of these shows shóuz see Dict. of Antiquities entíkwatiz, ed éd. 2, s.v. "lectisternia."

[550] Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.

[551] The plebeian plabían tendencies téndansiz of the time are suggested sagjéstad, e.g., by the fact fékt that immediately imídiatli before the first lectisternium a plebeian plabían was elected iléktad military mílateri tribune tríbyun (Livy v. 13). The fourth fórth century sénchari is of course kórs the period píriad of plebeian plabían advance advéns in all departments dipártmants, and ends éndz with the opening óupaning of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex léks Ogulnia, and the publication pablikéishan of the Fasti. Plebeian plabían too, I suspect saspékt, was the keeping kíping open óupan house and promiscuous próumiskwas hospitality haspatélati which is recorded rakórdad by Livy of the first lectisternia; this was the practice préktas of the plebs on the Cerealia (April éipral 19), and was perhaps parhéps an old custom kástam connected kanéktad with the supply saplái of corn kórn and the temple témpal of Ceres síriz (see above abáv, p. 255). It was not imitated ímateitid by the patrician patríshan society sasáiati, with its reserve rizárv and exclusiveness, till tíl the institution institúshan of the Megalesia in 204 B.C. See Gellius xviii. 2. 11.

[552] The expression ikspréshan crinibus demissis is found in a lex léks regia (Festus féstas, s.v. "pellices"); the harlot hárlat who touches táchaz Juno's júnou altar óltar has to offer ófar a lamb lém to Juno júnou "crinibus demissis." This is therefore dhérfor Roman róuman practice préktas.

[553] For the supplicationes see Wissowa, R.K. 357 foll.; Marq. 48 and 188; and the author's óthar article ártakal in Dict. of Antiquities entíkwatiz. The passages pésajaz already olrédi referred rafárd to as doubtful dáutfal evidence évadans (Livy iii. 5. 14, 7. 7) describe diskráib all the features fícharz of the supplicatio as early árli as the first half héf of the fifth fífth century sénchari. A list líst of later léitar passages pésajaz in Livy will be found in Marq. 49, note nóut 4. On the whole hóul I doubt dáut if much was made of these rites ráits before the third thárd century sénchari and the Punic pyúnik wars wórz.

[554] Wissowa, R.K. 356, note nóut 7.

[555] Caird, Gifford gífard Lectures lékcharz, vol. ii. p. 46.



In the last lecture lékchar we saw how the new experiences ikspíriansiz of the Roman róuman people, during the period píriad from the abolition ebalíshan of the kingship kíngship to the war wór with Hannibal hénibal, led léd to the introduction intradákshan of foreign fóran deities díatiz and showy shóui ceremonies séramouniz of a character kériktar quite strange stréinj to the old religion rilíjan. But there was another process práses going on at the same time. The authorities athóratiz of that old religion rilíjan were full fúl of vigour in this same period píriad; it may even be said, that as far fár as we can trace tréis their activity ektívati in the dim dím light láit of those early árli days déiz, they made themselves dhemsélvz almost ólmoust supreme saprím in the State stéit. And the result rizált was, in brief bríf, that religion rilíjan became bikéim more and more a matter métar of State stéit administration edministréishan, and thereby dhérbái lost lóst its chance chéns of developing divélaping the conscience kánshans of the individual indavíjawal. It is indeed indíd quite possible pásabal, as has recently rísantli been maintained meintéind,[556] that it stood stúd actively éktivli in the way of such development divélapmant. I have no doubt dáut that there was a germ járm of conscience kánshans, of moral móral feeling fíling, in the religio of old days déiz—the feeling fíling of anxiety engzáiati and doubt dáut which originally aríjanali suggested sagjéstad the cura and caerimonia of the State stéit; but the efforts éfarts of the authorities athóratiz in this period píriad were spent spént in gradually gréjuali destroying distróiing that germ járm. True trú, they did not interfere intarfír with the simple símpal religion rilíjan of the family fémali, which had its value vélyu all through Roman róuman history hístari; but the attitude étatud of the individual indavíjawal towards tawórdz public páblik worship wárshap will react riékt on his attitude étatud towards tawórdz private práivat worship wárshap, which may also have lost lóst some part of its vitality vaitélati in this period píriad.

The religious rilíjas authorities athóratiz of which I speak spík are of course kórs the two great colleges kálijiz of pontifices and augurs ógarz. Of the latter létar, and of the system of divination divanéishan of which they held héld the secrets síkrats, I will speak spík in the next lecture lékchar. Here we have to do with the pontifices and their work in this period píriad, a thorny thórni and somewhat sámwát technical téknikal subject sabjékt, but a most important impórtant one for the history hístari of Roman róuman religious rilíjas experience ikspírians.

I have so far fár assumed asúmd that this college kálij existed igzístad in the age éij of the kings kíngz, and assisted asístad the Rex réks in the administration edministréishan of the ius divinum. It is legitimate lajítamat to do this, but as a matter métar of fact fékt we do not know for certain sártan what was the origin órajan of the college kálij itself itsélf, or of its mysterious mistírias name néim. In the period píriad we have now reached rícht we come, however, upon apán a striking stráiking fact fékt, which is luckily lákali easy ízi to interpret intárprat; the king's kíng house, the Regia, has become bikám the office ófas of the head héd of the college kálij, the pontifex maximus, and also the meeting-place míting-pléis of the college kálij for business bíznas.[557] Obviously ábviasli this head héd, whether wédhar or no he existed igzístad during the kingly kíngli period píriad, has stepped stépt into the place of the Rex réks in the control kantróul of the ius divinum. Again, we know that in the third thárd century sénchari B.C., when written rítan history hístari begins bigínz, the pontifices and their head héd had reached rícht a very high hái level léval of power páuar, as we shall shél presently prézantli see more in detail ditéil; the process práses of the growth gróuth of this power páuar must therefore dhérfor lie lái in the two preceding prisíding centuries sénchariz, during which Rome róum was slowly slóuli attaining atéining that paramount péramaunt position pazíshan in Italy ítali in which we find her at the time of the Punic pyúnik wars wórz. Thirdly thárdli, we know that in that third thárd century sénchari B.C. the college kálij was laid léid open óupan to plebeians plabíanz as well as to members mémbarz of the old patrician patríshan gentes, and that one of the most famous féimas of all its many distinguished distíngwisht heads hédz was not only not a patrician patríshan, but a Latin létan from Cameria, Ti. Coruncanius. Putting páting these three facts fékts together tagédhar we can divine diváin in outline áutlain the history hístari of the pontifices during these two centuries sénchariz. With the instinct ínstinkt for order órdar and organisation organizéishan that never failed féild them, the Romans róumanz have constructed kanstráktad a permanent pármanant power páuar to take charge chárj of their ius divinum, i.e. all their relations riléishanz to the deities díatiz with whom húm they must maintain meintéin a pax péks; the circumstances sárkamstensaz of their career karír during two centuries sénchariz have exalted igzóltid this power páuar to an extraordinary ekstraórdaneri degree digrí of influence ínfluans, direct darékt and indirect indarékt, internal intárnal and external ikstárnal; and, lastly léstli, in a period píriad which saw the gradual gréjual amalgamation amelgaméishan into a unified yúnafaid whole hóul of privileged prívlajd and unprivileged, patres and plebs, they have with wonderful wándarfal wisdom wízdam thrown thróun open óupan to all citizens sítazanz the administration edministréishan of that ius which was essential isénshal to the welfare wélfer of the united yunáitad community kamyúnati. These are indisputable indispyútabal facts fékts; and they are thoroughly thárouli characteristic keraktarístik of the practical préktakal wisdom wízdam of the Roman róuman people in that early árli age éij.

In order órdar to understand andarsténd how the pontifices attained atéind their great position pazíshan, the one thing thíng needful nídfal is to examine igzémin the nature néichar of their work. This I propose prapóuz to do next, and then to attempt atémpt to sum sám up the result rizált of their activity ektívati on the Roman róuman religious rilíjas system.

It is impossible impásabal to exaggerate igzéjareit the importance impórtans of the college kálij in the early árli history hístari of Roman róuman law; and for us in particular partíkyalar that importance impórtans lies láiz in the fact fékt that they were the sole sóul depositaries of the religious rilíjas law in the period píriad during which the civil síval law was being slowly slóuli disentangled from it. If we look at the so-called sóukóld leges regiae, which are probably prábabli the oldest óuldast rules rúlz of law that have come down to us (though dhóu they may have been made into a collection kalékshan as late léit as the very end of the Republic ripáblak),[558] we see at once wáns that they belong bilóng to the ius divinum; and there is little doubt dáut that they were extracted ekstréktid from those books búks of the pontifices which I shall shél have to explain ikspléin later léitar on.[559] In other words wárdz, it is the maintenance méintanans of the pax péks deorum that they are chiefly chífli concerned kansárnd with; the crime kráim of the citizen sítazan is a violation vaialéishan of that pax péks, and the deity díati most concerned kansárnd will punish pánish the community kamyúnati unless anlés some expiatory step stép is taken téikan to re-establish réi-istéblish the right relation riléishan between the human hyúman and divine diváin inhabitants inhébatants of the city síti. "Pellex aram Iunonis ne tangito; si tanget, Iunoni crinibus demissis agnum feminam caedito." "Si parentem puer verberit, ast ést olle plorassit, puer divis dívis parentum sacer esto."[560] The harlot hárlat who touches táchaz the altar óltar of Juno júnou, the deity díati of married mérid women wíman, breaks bréiks the pax péks with that deity díati, and she must offer ófar a piacular sacrifice sékrafais to renew rinú it; the son sán who strikes stráiks a parent pérant is made over as the property práparti of the divi dívi parentum, i.e. those of the whole hóul community kamyúnati,[561] the peaceful písfal relation riléishan with whom húm his act ékt has imperilled. With such rules rúlz as these the civil síval magistrate méjastreit of the republic ripáblak can have had nothing náthing to do; they belong bilóng to an older óuldar period píriad of thought and of government, and survived sarváivd in the books búks of the college kálij which under the republic ripáblak continued kantínyud to administer admínastar the ius divinum; for these rules rúlz doubtless dáutlas continued kantínyud to exist igzíst side sáid by side sáid with the civil síval law as it gradually gréjuali developed divélapt itself itsélf, and the necessary nésaseri modes móudz of expiation were known nóun to the pontifices only. Roman róuman society sasáiati was indeed indíd so deeply dípli penetrated pénatreitad for many ages éijaz with the idea aidía of religio—the dread dréd of violating váialeiting the pax péks deorum,—that the idea aidía of law as a matter métar of the relation riléishan of man to man, as "the interference intarfírans of the State stéit in the passions péshanz and interests íntrasts of humanity hyuméniti only," must have gained géind ground gráund by very slow slóu degrees digríz. This primitive prímativ religious rilíjas law then, i.e. the regulation regyaléishan of the proper prápar steps stéps to be taken téikan to avoid avóid a breach brích of the pax péks deorum, was entirely intáiarli in the hands héndz of the religious rilíjas authorities athóratiz, the Rex réks at first and then the pontifices, as the only experts éksparts who could know the secrets síkrats of the ius divinum; and from their decisions disízhanz and prescriptions praskrípshanz there could be no appeal apíl, simply símpli because there was no individual indavíjawal or body bádi in the State stéit to whom húm an appeal apíl was conceivable kansívabal. But after the rule rúl of the Etruscan itráskan kings kíngz, with all its disturbing distárbing influences ínfluansiz, and after the revolution revalúshan which got rid ríd of them, there must have been an age éij of new ideas aidíaz and increased inkríst mental méntal activity ektívati, and also of increasing inkrísing social complexity kampléksati, the signs sáinz of which in the way of trade tréid and industry índastri we have already olrédi found in certain sártan facts fékts of religious rilíjas history hístari. In the domain douméin of law this meant mént new problems práblamz, new difficulties dífakaltiz; and these were met mét in the middle mídal of the fifth fífth century sénchari B.C., if the received rasívd chronology kranálaji is to be accepted ekséptid,[562] by the publication pablikéishan of the XII. Tables téibalz.

In order órdar to get some idea aidía of the work of the pontifices at this time, let lét us consider kansídar one or two of these difficulties dífakaltiz and problems práblamz.

Within the family fémali every act ékt, every relation riléishan, was matter métar of religion rilíjan; the numina had to be considered kansídard in regard ragárd to it. The end and aim éim, then as throughout thruáut Roman róuman history hístari, was the maintenance méintanans of the sacra sékra of the family fémali, without which it could not be conceived kansívd as existing igzísting—the due worship wárshap of its deities díatiz, and the religious rilíjas care kér of its dead déd. Take marriage mérij as an example igzémpal: "the entry éntri of a bride bráid into the household háushould—of one who as yet yét had no lot lát in the family fémali life—meant mént some straining stréining of the relation riléishan between the divine diváin and human hyúman members mémbarz,"[563] and the human hyúman part of the family fémali must be assured ashúrd that the divine diváin part is willing wíling to accept eksépt her before the step stép can be regarded ragárdad as complete kamplít. She has to enter éntar the family fémali in such a way as to share shér in its sacra sékra; and if confarreatio was (as we may believe bilív) the oldest óuldast form fórm of patrician patríshan marriage mérij,[564] the bride bráid was subjected sabjéktid to a ceremony séramouni which was plainly pléinli of a sacramental sékramantal character kériktar—the sacred séikrad cake kéik of far fár being partaken of by both bride bráid and bridegroom bráidgrum in the presence prézans of the highest háiast religious rilíjas authority athórati of the State stéit. In the simplest símplast form fórm of society sasáiati there would be no call kól for further fárdhar priestly prístli interference intarfírans in marriage mérij; but in a society sasáiati growing gróuing more numerous númaras and complex kámpleks, exceptions iksépshanz, abnormal ebnórmal conditions kandíshanz begin bigín to show shóu themselves dhemsélvz, and new problems práblamz arise aráiz, which must be solved sálvd by new expedients, prescriptions praskrípshanz, permissions parmíshanz, devices diváisaz, or fictions fíkshanz. For these the religious rilíjas authorities athóratiz are solely sóuali responsible rispánsabal; for what is a matter métar of religious rilíjas interest íntrast to the family fémali is also matter métar of religious rilíjas interest íntrast to the State stéit, simply símpli because the State stéit is composed kampóuzd of families fémaliz in the same sense séns as the human hyúman body bádi is composed kampóuzd of cellular sélyalar tissue tísyu. All this, we believe bilív, was once wáns the work of the Rex réks, perhaps parhéps with the college kálij of pontifices to help hélp him; when the kingship kíngship disappeared disapírd it became bikéim the work of that college kálij solely sóuali, with the pontifex maximus as the chief chíf authority athórati.

So, too, in all other questions kwéschanz which concerned kansárnd the maintenance méintanans of the family fémali, and especially aspéshli in regard ragárd to the devolution devalúshan of property práparti. I am ém here only illustrating ílastreiting the way in which the pontifical pantífakal college kálij acquired akwáiard their paramount péramaunt influence ínfluans by having héving a quantity kwántati of new and difficult dífakalt work forced fórst upon apán them, and it is not part of my plan plén to explain ikspléin the early árli history hístari of adoptions adápshanz and wills wílz; but I may give a single síngal concrete kankrít illustration ilastréishan for the benefit bénafit of those who are not versed várst in Roman róuman law. It must constantly kánstantli have happened hépand, in that disturbed distárbd period píriad which brought brót the kingship kíngship to an end, that by death déth or capture képchar in war wór a family fémali was left without male méil heirs érz. Daughters dótarz could not take their place, because the sacra sékra of a family fémali could not be maintained meintéind by daughters dótarz, who would, in the natural nécharal order órdar of things, be sooner súnar or later léitar married mérid and so become bikám members mémbarz of other families fémaliz. Hence héns the expedient ikspídiant was adopted adáptad of making méiking a filius familias of another family fémali a member mémbar of your own; and this, like marriage mérij, involved inválvd a straining stréining of the relations riléishanz between the human hyúman and divine diváin members mémbarz of your family fémali, and was thus dhás a matter métar for the religious rilíjas authorities athóratiz to contrive kantráiv in such a manner ménar as to preserve prazárv the pax péks between them. The difficulty dífakalti was overcome óuvarkam by the practical préktakal wisdom wízdam of the pontifical pantífakal college kálij, which held héld a solemn sálam inquiry inkwáiri into the case before submitting sabmíting it to the people in specially spéshali summoned sámand assembly asémbli (comitia calata);[565] and thus dhás the new filius familias was enabled enéibald not only to renounce rináuns his own sacra sékra (detestatio sacrorum), but to pass pés into the guardianship gárdianship of another set of sacra sékra, without incurring inkáring the anger éngar of the numina concerned kansárnd with the welfare wélfer of either ídhar.

Such difficult dífakalt matters métarz as these, and many more connected kanéktad directly daréktli or indirectly indaréktli with the devolution devalúshan of property práparti, such as the guardianship gárdianship of women wíman and of the incapable inkéipabal, the power páuar to dispose dispóuz of property práparti otherwise ádharwaiz than by the original aríjanal rules rúlz of succession sakséshan, the law of burial bérial and the care kér of the dead déd,—all these, at the time of which I am ém speaking spíking, must have been among amáng the secrets síkrats of the pontifices; and we can also suspect saspékt, though dhóu without being sure shúr of our facts fékts, that the great increase inkrís of the importance impórtans of the plebs under the Etruscan itráskan dynasty dáinasti offered ófard further fárdhar opportunities apartúnatiz for the growth gróuth alike aláik of the work and influence ínfluans of the college kálij.[566] Above abáv all, we must remember rimémbar that this work was done dán in secret síkrat, that the mysteries místariz of adjustment ajástmant were unknown annóun to the people when once wáns they had passed pést out of the ken kén of family fémali and gens jénz, and that there could have been no appeal apíl from the pontifices to any other body bádi. Nay néi, more, we must also bear bér in mind máind that this body bádi of religious rilíjas experts éksparts was self-electing sélf-ilékting. Until the lex léks Domitia of 104 B.C. both pontifices and augurs ógarz filled fíld up their own colleges kálijiz with persons pársanz whom húm they believed bilívd qualified kwálafaid both by knowledge nálaj and disposition dispazíshan. Thus dhás it would seem sím that there was every chance chéns that in that early árli Rome róum, where neither nídhar in family fémali nor nór State stéit could anything énithing be undertaken ándarteikan without some reference réfarans to the religious rilíjas authority athórati, where the pax péks deorum was the one essential isénshal object ábjekt of public páblik and private práivat life, a power páuar might be developed divélapt apt épt one day not only to petrify pétrafai religion rilíjan and stultify stáltafai its worshippers wárshiparz, but thereby dhérbái also to cramp krémp the energies énarjiz of the community kamyúnati, acting ékting as an obstacle ábstakal to its development divélapmant within its walls wólz and without. Had Roman róuman law remained riméind entirely intáiarli in the hands héndz of this self-electing sélf-ilékting college kálij, one of two things must have happened hépand: either ídhar that college kálij would have become bikám purely pyúrli secular sékyalar in character kériktar, or the wonderful wándarfal legal lígal system that we still enjoy enjói would never have had space spéis to grow gróu up. But this was not to be; with the publication pablikéishan of the XII. Tables téibalz a new era éra opens óupanz.

If we reject rijékt, as we conscientiously kanchiénchasli may, the latest léitast attempts atémpts of criticism krítisizam to post-date póustdéit the drawing dróing up of the Tables téibalz,[567] and in fact fékt to destroy distrói their historical histórikal value vélyu for us, what is their significance sagnífikans for our present prézant purpose párpas? It is simply símpli that in the middle mídal of the fifth fífth century sénchari B.C. the pontifices lost lóst a monopoly manápali—ceased síst to be the sole sóul depositaries of the rules rúlz of law affecting afékting the pax péks deorum, and that new rules rúlz are being set down in writing ráiting, on the basis béisas of old custom kástam, which more especially aspéshli affect afékt the relations riléishanz between the human hyúman citizens sítazanz. For both the ius divinum and the ius civile are to be found in this collection kalékshan, but the latter létar is beginning bigíning to assert asárt its independence indipéndans. I think we may say, without much hesitation hezatéishan, that this event ivént, however doubtful dáutfal its traditional tradíshanal details ditéilz, did actually ékchuali save séiv Rome róum from either ídhar of the two consequences kánsakwensaz to which I alluded alúdad just now. The constitution kanstatúshan developed divélapt itself itsélf on lay léi and not on ecclesiastical ikliziéstikal lines láinz, leaving líving the pontifices other work to do, and Roman róuman civil síval law was eventually ivénchawali able éibal to free frí itself itsélf from the trammels of the ius divinum.

But for another century sénchari the college kálij still found abundant abándant legal lígal work to do, for it was not likely láikli that at Rome róum, the most conservative kansárvativ of all city-states síti-stéits, it could be quickly kwíkli set aside asáid, or that the old ideas aidíaz of law could so speedily spídali disappear disapír. What then was this work?

When rules rúlz of civil síval law were written rítan down, it was still necessary nésaseri to deal díl with them in two ways wéiz which were open óupan to the pontifices, and indeed indíd at this early árli time to no one else éls. First, it was necessary nésaseri to make their provisions pravízhanz effectual by prescribing priskráibing in each case the proper prápar method méthad of procedure prasíjar (actio). Now it is most important impórtant to grasp grésp the fact fékt that procedure prasíjar in the ius civile was originally aríjanali of precisely prisáisli the same nature néichar as procedure prasíjar in the ius divinum, and that precisely prisáisli the same rigid ríjad exactness is indispensable indispénsabal in both. Action ékshan and formula fórmyala in civil síval law belong bilóng to the same class klés of practices préktasaz as sacrifice sékrafais and prayer prér in religious rilíjas law, and spring spríng from the same mental méntal soil sóil. Thus dhás, for example igzémpal, the most familiar famílyar case of action ékshan and formula fórmyala in civil síval law, the sacramentum, was, as the name néim proves prúvz, a piece pís of religious rilíjas procedure prasíjar, i.e. the deposition depazíshan in a sacred séikrad spot spát of a sum sám of money máni which the suitor sútar in the case would forfeit fórfit if he lost lóst it, together tagédhar with the utterance átarans of a certain sártan formula fórmyala of words wárdz which must be correctly karéktli spoken spóukan. If we choose chúz to go back so far fár, we may even see in this combination kambanéishan of formularised act ékt and speech spích a survival sarváival of magical méjikal or quasi-magical kwási-méjikal belief bilíf;[568] but this is matter métar rather rédhar for the anthropologist enthrapálajast than the historian histórian of religion rilíjan. The point for us at this moment móumant is that these acts ékts and formulae (legis actiones, as they are known nóun in Roman róuman law) could not suddenly sádanli or rapidly répadli pass pés out of the hands héndz of that body bádi of skilled skíld experts éksparts which had so long been in sole sóul possession pazéshan of them; the publication pablikéishan of old and new rules rúlz of law in the XII. Tables téibalz made no immediate imídiat difference dífarans in this respect rispékt. The consuls, the new civil síval executive igzékyativ, were still in no sense séns necessarily nesasérali skilled skíld in such matters métarz, and were without the prestige prestízh of the former fórmar executive igzékyativ, the Rex réks; they were also doubtless dáutlas busy bízi with other work, especially aspéshli in the field fíld. Nothing náthing could be more natural nécharal than that the pontifices should continue kantínyu to provide praváid the procedure prasíjar for the now written rítan law, just as they had formerly fórmarli supplied sapláid it for the unwritten anrítan.[569]

So, too, with the interpretation intarpritéishan of the Tables téibalz; this was the second part of the work that still remained riméind to them. Writing ráiting was in that age éij a mystery místari to the mass més of the population papyaléishan, and doubtless dáutlas the idea aidía was still in their minds máindz that there was something supernatural suparnécharal about it. Writing ráiting, in fact fékt, as well as formularised action ékshan and speech spích, may have had the flavour of magic méjik about it. However that may be, there can be no doubt dáut that the interpretation intarpritéishan of a legal lígal document dákyament was in those days déiz a much more serious sírias, if a less lés arduous árjuas business bíznas, than it is now. Here again, then, it seems símz perfectly párfaktli natural nécharal that there should be no rapid répad or violent váialant change chéinj in the personnel parsanél of those deemed dímd capable kéipabal of such interpretation intarpritéishan; there was no other body bádi of experts éksparts capable kéipabal of the work; the pontifices remained riméind iuris-consulti, i.e. interpreters intárpratarz and advisers edváizarz, and in the course kórs of two and a half héf centuries sénchariz accumulated akyúmyaleitid an amount amáunt of material matírial that formed fórmd a basis béisas for the first published páblisht system of Roman róuman law, the ius Aelianum or tripartita of 200 B.C. It is most useful yúsfal to remember rimémbar, as proof prúf of this, that one member mémbar of the college kálij was selected saléktad every year for the special spéshal purpose párpas of helping hélping the people with advice edváis in matters métarz of civil síval law, both in regard ragárd to interpretation intarpritéishan and the choice chóis of legis actiones; so we are expressly eksprésli told tóuld by Pomponius, who adds édz that this practice préktas continued kantínyud for about a hundred hándrad years after the publication pablikéishan of the Tables téibalz, i.e. till tíl the election ilékshan of the first praetor prítar in 366.[570] After that date déit the ius civile emerges imárjiz more distinctly distínktli from the old body bádi of law, which included inklúdad also the ius divinum, and its interpretation intarpritéishan was no longer lóngar a matter métar purely pyúrli for religious rilíjas experts éksparts. In 337 we hear hír of the first plebeian plabían praetor prítar—truly trúli a momentous mouméntas event ivént, showing shóuing that the old profound proufáund belief bilíf is dying dáiing out, which demanded diméndad a religious rilíjas and patrician patríshan qualification kwalafakéishan for all legal lígal work. And at the end of the fourth fórth century sénchari comes kámz the publication pablikéishan, not only of the legis actiones, but of the Fasti, i.e. even of that most vital váital part of the ius divinum, which distinguished distíngwisht the times táimz and seasons sízanz belonging bilónging to the numina from those belonging bilónging to the human hyúman citizens sítazanz.[571] One might well suppose sapóuz that the power páuar of the pontifices was on the wane wéin, for they had lost lóst another monopoly manápali.

And indeed indíd in one sense séns this was so. It must have been so, for as the range réinj of the State's stéit activity ektívati increased inkríst, the sphere sfír of religious rilíjas influence ínfluans became bikéim relatively rélativli less lés. Marriage mérij, for example igzémpal, though dhóu it still needed nídad a religious rilíjas ceremony séramouni in common káman opinion apínyan, ceased síst to need it in the eye ái of the law—a change chéinj which is familiar famílyar to us in our own age éij. The pontifex was no longer lóngar indispensable indispénsabal to the suitor sútar at law, nor nór to the citizen sítazan who wished wísht to know on what day he might proceed prasíd with his suit sút. The college kálij undoubtedly andáutidli ceased síst to be the powerful páuarfal secretly-acting síkritli-ékting body bádi in whose húz hands héndz was the entire intáiar religio of the citizen sítazan, i.e. the decision disízhan of all points póints on which he might feel fíl the old anxious énkshas nervousness nárvasnas about the good-will gúdwíl of the gods gádz. But now we mark márk a change chéinj which gave géiv the old institution institúshan new life and new work. At the end of this fourth fórth century sénchari (300 B.C.) it was thrown thróun open óupan to plebeians plabíanz by the lex léks Ogulnia; and, as I have already olrédi mentioned ménshand, within a few years we come upon apán a plebeian plabían pontifex maximus, who was not even a Roman róuman by birth bárth, yet yét one of the most famous féimas in the whole hóul series síriz of the holders hóuldarz of that great office ófas. Most probably prábabli, too, the numbers námbarz of the members mémbarz have already olrédi been increased inkríst from five to nine náin, of whom húm five must be plebeian plabían. These members mémbarz begin bigín to be found holding hóulding also civil síval magistracies, and the pontifex maximus was often ófan a consul kánsal of the year. It is quite plain pléin then that this priestly prístli office ófas is becoming bikáming more and more secularised; it expands ikspéndz with the new order órdar of things instead instéd of shrinking shrínking into itself itsélf. It leaves lívz religion rilíjan, in the proper prápar sense séns of the word wárd, far fár behind biháind. The sacrificing sékrafaising priests prísts, the flamines, etc etsétara., who were the humbler hámbalar members mémbarz in a technical téknikal sense séns of the same college kálij, go on with their proper prápar and strictly stríktli religious rilíjas work under the supervision suparvízhan of the pontifex maximus,[572] but they steadily stédali become bikám of less lés importance impórtans as the greater gréitar members mémbarz become bikám secularised in their functions fánkshanz and their ambitions embíshanz. And these greater gréitar members mémbarz, instead instéd of becoming bikáming stranded stréndad on a barren béran shore shór of antique entík religion rilíjan, boldly bóuldli venture vénchar into a new sphere sfír of human hyúman life, and add éd definite défanat secular sékyalar work to their old religious rilíjas functions fánkshanz.

The events ivénts of the latter létar part of the fourth fórth century sénchari B.C., culminating kálmaneiting in the publication pablikéishan of the Fasti and the legis actiones, probably prábabli meant mént much more for the Romans róumanz than we can divine diváin by the uncertain ansártan light láit of historical histórikal imagination imejanéishan. It is the age éij of expansion ikspénshan, internal intárnal and external ikstárnal; the old patrician patríshan exclusive iksklúsiv rule rúl was gone gón beyond biánd recall ríkol; the plebeians plabíanz had forced fórst their way into every department dipártmant of government, including inklúding at last even the great religious rilíjas collegia; the old Latin létan league líg had been broken bróukan up, and the Latin létan cities sítiz organised in various vérias new relations riléishanz to Rome róum, each one being connected kanéktad with the suzerain city síti by a separate sépareit treaty tríti, sealed síld with religious rilíjas sanctions sénkshanz. After the Samnite wars wórz and the struggle strágal with Pyrrhus, further fárdhar organisation organizéishan was necessary nésaseri, and there arose aróuz by degrees digríz a loose lús system of union yúnyan which we are accustomed akástamd to call kól the Italian itélyan confederation kanfedaréishan. The adaptation edaptéishan of all these new conditions kandíshanz to the existing igzísting order órdar of things at Rome róum was the work of the senate sénat and magistrates méjistreits so far fár as it concerned kansárnd human hyúman beings bíingz only; but so far fár as it affected aféktad the relations riléishanz of the divine diváin inhabitants inhébatants of the various vérias communities kamyúnatiz it must have been the work of the pontifices. That work is indeed indíd almost ólmoust entirely intáiarli hidden hídan from us, for Livy's books búks of this period píriad are lost lóst, and Livy is the only historian histórian who has preserved prazárvd for us in any substance sábstans the religious rilíjas side sáid of Rome's róum public páblik life. But what we have learnt lárnt in the course kórs of these lectures lékcharz will have made it plain pléin that no political palítakal changes chéinjaz could take place without involving inválving religious rilíjas adaptation edaptéishan, and also that the only body bádi qualified kwálafaid to undertake ándarteik such adaptation edaptéishan was the pontifical pantífakal college kálij.

We may thus dhás be quite certain sártan, that though dhóu they had lost lóst their old monopoly manápali of religious rilíjas knowledge nálaj, the pontifices found plenty plénti of fresh frésh work to do in this period píriad. It is my belief bilíf that they now became bikéim more active éktiv than they ever évar had been. From this time, for example igzémpal, we may almost ólmoust certainly sártanli date déit their literary lítareri or quasi-literary kwási-lítareri activity ektívati; I mean the practice préktas of recording rakórding the leading líding events ivénts of each year, which may have had its origin órajan a century sénchari earlier árliar, with the eclipse iklíps of the sun sán in or about 404 B.C.[573] I should guess gés that after the admission edmíshan of the plebeians plabíanz to the college kálij in 300 B.C., the new members mémbarz put fresh frésh life and vigour into the old work, and developed divélapt it in various vérias directions darékshanz. It is in this period píriad that I am ém inclined inkláind to attribute étrabyut to the college kálij that zeal zíl for compiling kampáiling and perhaps parhéps inventing invénting religious rilíjas formulae of all kinds káindz, which took túk shape shéip in the libri or commentarii pontificum, and embodied imbádid that strange stréinj manual ményual of the methods méthadz of addressing adrésing deities díatiz, which we know as Indigitamenta. And again, in the skilled skíld work of the admission edmíshan of new deities díatiz and the dedication dedakéishan of their temples témpalz, occasioned akéizhand by the new organisation organizéishan and condition kandíshan of Italy ítali, and lastly léstli, in the supervision suparvízhan of the proper prápar methods méthadz of expiating prodigia, which (though dhóu the habit hébat is doubtless dáutlas an old one) began bigén henceforward to be reported ripórtad to the Senate sénat from all parts párts of the ager éijar Romanus and even beyond biánd, their meetings mítingz in the Regia must have been fully fúli occupied ákyapaid. Our loss lós is great indeed indíd in the total tóutal want of detail ditéil about the life and character kériktar of the great plebeian plabían pontifex maximus of the first half héf of the third thárd century sénchari B.C., that Titus táitas Coruncanius whom húm I have already olrédi mentioned ménshand as being a Latin létan by birth bárth; for Cicero sísarou declares diklérz that the commentarii of the college kálij showed shóud him as a man of the greatest gréitast ability abílati,[574] whose húz reputation repyatéishan remained riméind for ages éijaz as one who was ready rédi with wise wáiz counsel káunsal in matters métarz both public páblik and private práivat. Coupling kápling him with two other memorable mémarabal holders hóuldarz of the office ófas, he says séz that "et ét in senatu et ét apud populum et ét in causis amicorum et ét domi et ét militiae consilium suum fidemque praestabant."[575] This passage pésaj should be remembered rimémbard as a valuable vélyabal illustration ilastréishan of the way in which the college kálij and its head héd were becoming bikáming more and more occupied ákyapaid with secular sékyalar business bíznas; it is worth wárth noting nóuting, too, that this great man was himself himsélf consul kánsal in the year 280, and took túk a useful yúsfal part in the first campaign kempéin against Pyrrhus.[576] Yet yét Cicero sísarou makes méiks it plain pléin that he looked lúkt on him also as a great figure fígyar in religious rilíjas matters métarz—nay néi, even as a man whom húm the gods gádz loved lávd.[577]

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